Category Archives: Polabians

The Chronicle of Moissac

PublishedSeptember 2, 2019 Post authortorino

The Chronicle of Moissac (Chronicon Moissiacense) is an anonymous compilation discovered in the abbey of Saint Pierre at Moissac. It was probably created in the first half of the 9th century. Its pieces can be put together from the primary manuscript in the National Library at Paris as well as from certain other manuscripts (for example the Chronicon Anianense). An incomplete text was published by Pertz for the MGH. A more complete version was added onto the Subsidia Anianensia, a dissertation by Walter Kettemann from the year 2000. In 2012, a study of the Chronicle was published in another dissertation or thesis by David Claszen.

Here is Claszen’s description of the Chronicle: “The Chronicon Moissiacense is mainly interesting because of its highly composite nature; it expands on an older, 8th century text that records history up to the year 741 and is a composition of ancient as well as early medieval authors. Bede’s 66th chapter of De Temporum Ratione forms the spine of the chronicle, but this text is heavily interpolated with fragments from Flavius Josephus, Eusebius, Jerome, Orosius, Fredegar, the Liber Historiae Francorum, and other sources. The Chronicon Moissiacense presents a continuation of this text up to the year 818, drawing on other sources such as the Annales Laureshamenses, multiple minor annals, and a ‘southern source’ believed to be lost today. The text attempts to connect Roman with Merovingian and Carolingian history in various ways, such as through the inclusion of a shared Trojan heritage, but also through a reworking of the chronology.”

The above description is, of course, accurate though there are interesting Suavic connections that hide thereunder. For example, under the year 805 we have, perhaps, the first attestation of the name Czechs (the more likely first attestation comes from the Annales Tilliani under the same year 805 (In terram Sclavorum qui vocantur Cinu which should have been Cihu).

Both the Kettemann and Claszen works are available online.

An English description (though not a translation) of some of the Suav related passages of the Chronicle can be found in Sébastien Rossignol’s “The Entry of Early Medieval Slavs into World History – The Chronicle of Moissac” (a chapter of “The Medieval Networks in East Central Europe: Commerce, Contacts, Communication” with Balazs Nagy, András Vadas and Felicitas Schmieder as editors).

The Suavic mentions in the text below come from the Claszen dissertation. Some though not all of the notes are also Claszen’s. Claszen used the following key which I retain:

AA BN lat. 5941 (Chronicon Anianense).
B Besançon, bibl. mun. 186.
Br Brussels, KBR, 17349-60.
Duch. Rome, BAV, MS Reg. Lat. 213, fols. 149-151. (Duchesne Fragment) Vienna, ÖNB, lat. 515. (Vienna Fragment)
FrV Mu Munich, BSB Clm 246.
P Paris, BN lat. 4886 (Chronicon Moissiacense).
S Leiden, Scaliger 28.
StP Sankt Paul, Stiftsarchiv, cod. 8/1.
AL Annales Laureshamenses

Here are the Suavic fragments of the Chronicle of Moissac.

Saint Pierre Abbey at Moissac

632 or 633

“In the tenth year of the reign of Dagobert it was reported that an army of Wends entered from Thuringia; he advances with the army of the kingdom of Austrasia towards the town of Metz, advances towards Mainz and orders the crossing of the Rhine. The Saxons sending ambassadors to Dagobert, ask for their tribute, [which they pay to the treasury], to be waived. The [Saxons] promised to oppose the Wends if the Franks limit the tribute from those lands. To this Dagobert agrees. All of these taxes, which the Saxons used to pay in the form of 500 cows per year, as ascertained by Clothar the Old [497-561], were thus lifted.”

“Anno X regni Dagoberti, cum ei nunciatum fuisset exercitum Winidorum Toringa fuisse ingressum, cum exercitu de regno Austrasiorum de Mettis urbae promovens, Mogontiam adgreditur, disponens Renum transire. Saxones missos ad Dagobertum dirigunt, petentes ut eis tributa, quas fisci dicionibus dissolvebant, indulgeret Winidos resistere spondent et Francorum limite de illis partibus custodire promitunt. Quod Dagobertus prestitit. Exinde iam Saxones tributa, quae reddere consueverant, per preceptione Dagoberti habent indultum, quingentas vaccas inferendales annis singulis, a Clotrio[g] seniore censiti, solvebant.”

779 or 780

“And in the following year, he brought together a great host, entered again into Saxony and reached even as the great river Łaba [Elbe]. And the Saxons delivered themselves to him and he accepted hostages both nobles and commoners [?] and he divided their country among bishops, presbyters and abbots and they preached and baptized there. And in fact many Wendish and Frisian pagans were [also] baptized. Then he departed for Italy leaving his sons Pippin and Charles in Worms.”

“Et in sequenti anno, congregans exercitum magnum, ingressus est iterum in Saxonia et pervenit usque ad flumen magnum Heilba et Saxones tradiderunt se illi omnes, et accepit obsides tam ingenuos quam et lidos et divisit ipsam patriam inter episcopos et presbyteros et abbates, ut in ea babtizarent et predicarent. Nec non et Winidorum seu et Fresonum paganorum magna multitudo baptizata est. Inde revertens, habiit in Italia et dereliquid filios suos in Wormacia, Pipinum et Karolum.”

789

“And in the following year, King Charles [Charlemagne] went through Saxony to the Calssclavos [Suavs] who are known as Vulti [Wiltzi] and the kings of these lands with their king Tranguito [Dragovit] to meet him, and they asked for peace, delivering all their lands to his sovereignty, and they themselves were delivered [submitted or, perhaps, in the sense of being delivered into God’s Grace]. The king [then] returned to Francia.”

“…Tunc iudicaverunt eum morti dignum. Rex autem, misericordia motus, noluit eum occidere, sed cum ipsius peticionem clericum eum fecit et retrusit in monasterio. Et perrexit rex in Baguaria ad Raganesburg et ibi venerunt ad eum Baguarii et dati sunt ei obsides et ordinata ipsa patria, reversus est in Francia. Et in sequenti anno, Karolus rex per Saxonia pervenit usque ad Calssclavos, [qui]* dicuntur Vulti** et venerunt reges terrae illius cum rege eorum Tranguito*** ei obviam, et petita pace, tradiderunt terras illas universas sub dominatione eius, et se ipsis traditi sunt. Rex reversus est in Francia. Obiit beatae memoriae Vulcadus, episcopus et doctor verbi Dei, VI idus Novembris in aquilonis partibus Saxoniae. Tres patricii ex Constantinopolim cum classe navium venerunt Italia, ut eam ad dicionem Grecorum revocarent, quos Langobardi cum misso Karoli regis debellati sunt. Et in alio anno habuit rex conventum in Wormacia, non tamen Magiscampum. Et ipso anno transiit sine hostae.”

* originally written here was possibly ‘qui’, and afterwards lost by a hole in the folio; ‘Sclavos’ in AL (Saint Lorsch Annals) corrected from ‘Sclavus’; ‘Sclavos qui’ in StP (Sankt Paul, Stiftsarchiv, cod. 8/1.), corrected ‘l’ added above.
** AA (BN lat. 5941.) says ‘qui dicuntur vulzi propie vero id est sua locucione welatabi dicuntur’ (‘that are called Wiltzes though in their language Velatabi [Veleti]’).
*** AA (BN lat. 5941.) has ‘tranvito’; StP (Sankt Paul, Stiftsarchiv, cod. 8/1.) has ‘traguuito’.

795(?)

“And they [Saxons] all came to him, with the exception of those whom I’ve already mentioned above and those that live on the other side of the Łaba [Elbe], those who killed the king’s vassal, Wizizin* – the king of the Obotrites. Therefore, they did not believe they were in his grace….”

* Wiltzan or Witzlaus or Vilčan of Obotrites, leader of the Obotrites (747-795).

“Sed et tunc omnes ad eum venientes, excepto his, quos iam supra comemoravimus et hii, qui trans Albia erant, ipsi ad eum pleniter adhuc non venerunt, eo quod vassum domni regis Wizizin, regem Abotrizarum, occiderunt. Ideo non credebant, quod in gracia eius pervenire potuissent. Caeteri autem omnes pacifici venerunt et iussonem suam promitentes implere. Et ita domnus rex, iterum credens eis, nullam voluntatem interficiens, fidem suam servando. Tunc ad Aquis palatio de terra Avarorum regulus quidam, nomine Todanus, ad domnum regem veniens, cum comitibus suis, quae domnus rex honorifice suscepit et baptizare iussit et eos, qui cum eo venerunt, cum magna honore et donis eum remeare fecit ad propria. Et in eo anno a parte Avarorum venerunt thesauri, magna multitudo, pro quibus domnus rex omnipotenti regi gracias agens, et distribuit ipsum thesaurum inter aecclesias et episcopos, seu abbates et comites. Nec non et universos fideles suos de eodem thesauro mirifice honoravit. Et in ipso hieme, id est VIII Kalendas Ianuarii, sanctae memoriae domnus Adrianus, sumus pontifex Romanus obiit, pro quem domnus rex, piissimus Karolus, orationes per universum christianum populum infra terminos suos fieri rogavit et elemosina sua pro eo multipliciter transmisit. Et epitafium, aureis literis in marmore conscriptum, iussit in Francia fieri ut eum partibus Romae transmiteret, ad sepulturam summi pontificis, Adriani papae.”

798

“The year 798… And in the meantime, our Suavs who are called Obotrites,* came together with the king’s ambassadors to those Saxons and had victory in a battle over those weakings. There fell in this battle 2,801 Saxons…”

* Under Thrasco, Drażko or Drożko (ruled circa 795-808).

“Anno DCCXCVIII. Ipso anno fuit rex Karolus in Saxonia et apud Aristallio Novo ipsum hiemem ibi resedit et ibi celebravit pascha. Quem locum, ut nos audivimus, ipse rex ita appellavit, quia ab hostae ipso, ipse mansiones in qua habitabant, constructae sunt. Et in ipso aestatae pervenit cum exercito suo ad Bardunwico et illi omnes se tradirunt in manus eius et tulit inde illos capitanios, quos voluit, et obsidibus, quantum ei voluntas fuit. Et interim congregati sunt Sclavi nostri, qui dicuntur Abotridi*, cium missis domni regis ad illos Saxones** congregaverunt*** se in unum et comiserunt proelium et habuerunt victoriam. Et ceciderunt in ipso die Saxones in ipsa pugna duo milia DCCCI. Et in Toringas ibi pervenerunt aliqui ad regem et honoravit eos rex, ut digni erant, mirifice. Et inde rex remeavit in Francia et de ipsos Saxones tulit secum quos voluit. Et ipse pervenit ad Aquis palatio et ibi gemavit.”

* ‘Abodriti’ AA.
** in AA ‘ex parte Saxonum’ instead of ‘in ipsa pugna.’
*** congregaverunt – ‘voluit’ not StP, FrV, instead: ‘tamen fides christianorum et domni regis adiuvavit eos et habuerunt iuctoriam’ (‘victoriam’ FrV) ‘super saxones et ceciderunt de ipsis saxonis ante eos in ipsa pugna duo milia DCCCI et in north thuringas ibi perveneunt ipsi sclavi ad domnum regem et honoravit eos domnus rex ut digni erant mirifice et inde domnus rex remeavit ad francia et de ipsis saxonis tulit secum quos voluit et quos noluit’ (‘voluit’ FrV) ‘dimisit’; ‘congregaveruntque’ AA.

804

“In the year 804, Charles [Charlemagne] the Emperor of the Franks pushed forth with a great army of the Franks passed through Saxony and stayed beyond the river Alara* at a place called Oldonastath.** There came to him the king of the Obotrites by the name Irosuc*** and brought him many gifts…”

* The river Aller, a tributary of the Weser, Germany.
** Hollenstedt, a municipality in Lower Saxony, Germany
*** Thrasco, Drażko or Drożko (ruled circa 795-808).

“Anno DCCCIIII, aestatis tempore, Karolus imperator movit exercitum magnum Francorum et perexit in Saxonia et habiit ultra Alaram ad locum, qui vocatur Oldonastath. Et venit ad eum ibi rex Abotritorum, nomine Irosuc et detulit ei munera multa. Et inde transmisit imperator sacras suas in Wimodia, et in Hostingabi, et in Rosogabi* et ut illa ingentem foras patriam transduceret. Nec non et illos Saxones, qui ultra Albia erant, transduxit foras et divisit eos in regnum suum, ubi voluit. Et postea, cum magno gaudio ipse imperator remeavit in Francia et pervenit ad Aquis palatium, sedem regiam, ibique hiemavit atque celebravit pascha.”

* Hostingabi is “Ostingabi, Ostegau; Gau around the river Oste, in Lower Saxony, Germany”; Rosogabi is “Gau between the Weser and Elbe. Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia. Vol. 2, 106.”

805

“In the year 805, Charles the Emperor sent his son, Charles the King, with a great army to the Beowinidi* and another army with Audulf and Werinar, that is the Bavarians. The third crossed with the Saxons over Werin fields and the land of the Dalaminzi and there they fought a battle against their king, Semela** and defeated him. And he gave two of his sons [as hostages] as a token of his loyalty. And the three armies went together over the Erzgebirge and went to the river that is called Ohře [Eger] and then went towards Canburg which they razed and burned down the countryside on that part of the Łaba [Elbe] and on the other side of Łaba [Elbe]. And thereafter, with victory, King Charles returned to his father in Francia. The fourth part of the army [together] with ships left the Łaba [Elbe] [region] and went to Magdeburg and there they ravaged the region of Genewana. Thereafter, they returned to the fatherland.”

* The Bohemians – this entry from the year 805 is, arguably, the first ever mention of Czechs. As you can see below the name given is ad Beuwidines. This has been variously read as super Windones or ad euhuvidines but also as Cichu-Windones. This last reading would, of course, be the first historically attested mention of the Czechs. The AA reads a Beuhuvidines which suggests Bohemians.
** Semela – Semil, Semiu or Siemił.

“Anno DCCCV. Karolus imperator misit filium suum, Karolum regem, cum exercito magno ad Beuwidines* et alium exercitum cum Audulfo et Werinario, id est cum Baguarios. Tercium vero transmisit cum Saxonibus super Werinofelda** et Demelcion*** et ibi pugnaverunt contra regem eorum, nomen Semela et vincebant eum. Et ille dedit duos filios eius pro fidelitatae. Et tunc perrexerunt super Fergunna**** et venerunt ad fluvium, qui vocatur Agara,***** illi tres hostes insimul, et inde venerunt ad Canburg, qui et illum occiderunt et vastaverunt regionem illam in circuitu, in ista parte Albiae et ultra Albiae. Et postea, cum victoriam, reversus est Karolus rex ad patrem suum in Francia. Quartus vero exercitus, cum navibus perrexit in Albia et pervenit usque ad Magedoburg et ibi vastaverunt regionem Genewana. Postea reversi sunt in patriam.”

* AA ‘a Beuhuvidines’;
** Hwerenofelda – east of the Soława [Saale].
*** Demelcion, the Dalaminzi area of the Głomacze or Dolomici or Dalemińcy, Polabian Slavs living near the middle Łaba [Elbe]. See also Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia. Vol. 2, 107.
**** The Ore Mountains, Erzgebirge, in Saxony, Germany, and Bohemia.
***** The Ohře, or Eger in German, a tributary of the Łaba [Elbe].

806

“The year 806. Charles the Emperor Charles [Charlemagne] celebrated Eastern at Nijmegen and sent his son King Charles to Thuringia to a place that is called Waladala* and there he had his host muster. And from there he sent his armies over the Łaba [Elbe]. He himself came over the Soława [Saale] into the Guerena field. And there it was that the proud King Milito** who had ruled over the lands of the Sorbs was killed. And then he [Charlemagne] turned back to Łaba [Elbe] and he ravaged those lands and destroyed their burghs. And the other kings of the same [Sorbs] came to him and promised to serve the Lord and the God-Fearing Emperor and they gave hostages in accordance with his will. And these King Charles ordered to build two burghs, one north of the Łaba [Elbe] opposite from Magdeburg and the other East of the Soława [Saale] at a place that is called Halle. After that he returned to his father. In these days the deacon Albin shone in France”

* Waldau. Potentially connected with Veleda.
** Miliduh or Miłyduch.

“Anno DCCCVI. Karolus imperator celebravit pascha ad Neumaga et misit filium suum, Karolum regem, super Duringa ad locum, qui vocatur Waladala*, ibique habuit conventum suum. Et inde misit sacras suas ultra Albia. Ipse vero movit exercitum suum ultra Sala, super Guerenaveldo. Et tunc fuit interfectus Milito,** rex superbus, qui regnabit in Siurbis. Et postea remeavit Albiam et vastavit regiones illas et civitates eorum destruit. Et ceteri reges ipsorum venerunt ad eum et promiserunt se servituri domno et pio imperatore tradideruntque obsides, sicut ille volebat. Et mandavit eis rex Karolus hedificare civitates duas. Una in aquilone partem Albiae contra Magadaburg. Alteram vero in orientalem partem Sala*** ad locum, qui vocatur Halla. Deinde reversus est ad patrem suum in Francia. His diebus Albinus diaconus in Francia claruit.”

* AA Walada
** AA Melito
*** AA Sola

808

“The year 808. Charles the Emperor [Charlemagne] sent his son, Charles the King, over Saxony through the Łaba [Elbe] land to those Suavs who are called Linai,* and [he] ravaged a great part of their lands. However, some of our men fell. And Godofred,** king of the Normans went over to those Suavs that are called Abotrici and ravaged a great part of their lands and destroyed some of their cities. And in that place Riginold,*** his nephew, died and many Northmen fell there.”

* Probably the area of Linones aka Linaa (Bavarian Geographer) aka Glinianie.
** Gudfred
*** Ragnvald

“…Anno DCCCVIII. Karolus imperator misit filium suum, Karolum regem, super Saxonia ultra Albia ad illos Sclavos, qui vocantur Linai, et vastavit maximam partem regionis ipsius. Sed et aliqui ex nostra partem ibidem ceciderunt. Et Godofredus, rex Nortmannarum, venit super illos Sclavos, qui dicuntur Abotrici, et vastavit magnam partem regiones eorum et aliquas civitates dextruxit. Et ibidem fuit Riginoldus, nepus eius, qui primus post eum in illo regno fuit, interfectus et multi de populo Nortmannorum ibidem corruerunt.”

809

“The year 809. The saintly Emperor Charles [Charlemagne] was at his palace at Aachen. In that summer he sent three of his armies to the borders and some of the Saxons over the Łaba [Elbe] and with our Wends* they destroyed there the town that is called [by the] Semeldinc** Connoburg.*** And in that year many came from the East and passed into the West. And the Emperor Charles celebrated Easter in his palace at Aachen.”

* In particular the Obotrites. Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia. Vol. 2, 112.
** Curiously the Semeldinc reference smacks of the earlier king Semela (as in “the people of Semela”) of the Dalaminzi.
*** Connoburg of the Smeldingi. Its precise location is uncertain. Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia. Vol. 2, 112. It seems to be different than the Canburg mentioned above in the context of the Bohemian campaign of 805.

“Anno DCCCVIIII. Karolus imperator pius sedit apud Aquis palatium. Et in illo estatae misit sacras suas ad marchias et aliqui de illos Saxones venerunt ultra Albiam et fregerunt ibi unam civitatem cum nostris Guinidinis,* quei appellatur Semeldinc** Connoburg**. In illo anno venit mortalitas magna animalium ab oriente et pertransiit usque in occidente. Et celebravit pascha apud Aquis palatium Karolus imperator.”

810

“And Godafred, the king of the Normans, sent his vassals as peace envoys and they deceitfully killed Drosco,* the king of the Obotrites…”

* Thrasco, Drażko or Drożko (ruled circa 795-808).

“Et Godafredus, rex Nortmannorum, misit quasi pacifice per insidias vassallum suum ut in dolo Drosocum, regem Abdritorum, occidisset. Quod ita factum fuit. Et occulte, misit piratos cum navibus in Frisia, quae fecerunt ibi magnum damnum de Christiano populo. Et postea ille Godafredus fuit interfectus a suo vassallo et perdidit regnum cum vita. Et Karolus imperator misit sacras suas ad marchas, ubi necesse fuit. Et mandavit civitatem hedificare ultra Albia in loco, qui vocatur Essesveldoburg* et mandavit illis hominibus, qui custodirent civitatem. Deinde reversus est in Francia, ad Aquis, sedem regiam.”

* According to Kettemann, ‘Eisesfeld an der Stör, today Itzehoe’. Kettemann, Subsidia Anianensia. Vol. 2, 114. However, this is not certain and ‘veldo’ may suggest the Wiltzi or Veleti.

811

“The year 811. Charles the Emperor [Charlemagne] sent armies of Franks and Saxons and [other?] enemies to those Suavs that are called Lanai* and Bechelenzi** and they ravaged their lands and built again a castle in the place called Abochi.*** And there was also a killing of many Northmen and Anolo [?] who fell there. In the same year Charles the King died, the son of Charles the Great [Charlemagne], the Emperor.”

* Linones or Linaa (Bavarian Geographer) or Glinianie.
** Bethenici (Bavarian Geographer) or Bytyńcy.
*** Hochbuoki or Höhbeck castle, Lower Saxony, Germany.

“Anno DCCCXI. Misit Karolus imperator exercitum Francorum et Saxonorum et hostem ultra Albia ad illos Sclavos, qui nominantur Lanai et Bechelenzi* et vastaverunt regiones illas et aedificaverunt iterum castello in loco, qui dicitur Abochi. Fuit quoque occisio magna Nortmanorum et Anolo ibi corruit. Eodem anno obiit Karolus rex, filius Karoli magni ymperatoris.”

* Bethenzi AA

812

“The year 812. The Emperor Charles [Charlemagne] sent three armies to those Suavs who are called Wilti. One army came with him by the Obotrites and two came to meet him at the border but these Wilti lifted their right hands and gave hostages and promised to give the lands to Charles the Emperor. And then the people went home.”

“Anno DCCCXII. Misit Karolus imperator tres sacras ad illos Sclavos*, qui dicunt Wilti. Unus exercitus venit cum eis super Abotridi** et duo venerunt obviam ei ad illam marcha, sed et illi Wilti dextras dederunt et obsides obtulerunt et promiserunt se dare partibus Karoli imperatoris. Et postea sic reversus est populus ad propria.”

* clavos AA
** Abodoritos (!) AA

Letter of Gregory III from A.D. 737 (or 739)

PublishedJune 1, 2019 Post authortorino

Pope Gregory III was best known for being the last pope born outside of Europe (though in Byzantine Syria so not exactly outside of European civilization) until the current jackass. Among his achievements was his prolific letter writing. One of these letters is a letter from 737 – 739 whose opening lines made made their way into Karl Jaromir Erben’s Regesta Diplomatica Nec Non Epistolaria Bohemiae Et Moraviae.

It was mentioned earlier too in Philipp Clüver’s Germania Antiqua in 1616 and by Philippus Jaffé in his Regesta Pontificum Romanorum… (Reg. at page 182, Nr. 1730). It is also mentioned in Migne’s Patrologiae Cursus Completus: Series Latina (vol. 89 at page 602).

It appears in full in Giovanni Domenico Mansi’s Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio (Tomus 12 at page 280).

It then appeared in MGH as letter number 43. It is present in several codices containing Gregory III’s letters, the oldest of which seems to be the Munich codex 8112 from the 9th century (this is labeled version 1). The Karlsruhe codex (Raststatt 22, Durlacher 94) is a 10th/11th century (that was labeled version 2) but it seems to contain only the end of the letter with the prior pages having been ripped out. The MGH lists a few others such as (version 3 does not contain this particular letter):

(version 4a) Montis Pessulanus H.3 (12th) (Montpellier)
(version 4b) Vaticanus 1340 (13th-14th)
(version 4c) Venetus S. Marci Zanetti CLXIX (15th)
(version 5) Codex Othloh the monk Trevirensis 93F (Codex of Othloh the monk)

An earlier codex, the Cottonian Otho A I from the 8th century apparently burned down in 1666.

Why is the letter so interesting? Well, as you can see above, the various manuscripts show several tribal names there amongst whom are:

Nistresos
Wedrecos (Wedrevos)
Lognaos
Suduodos

Some of these may, in fact, be Suavic which, I suspect, why Erben included it in his Register. For example, Wedrevos (in some variants) appears similar to the Suavic Odra, wydra, wiadro and similar words. Suduodos sounds like Sudovi – a Baltic tribe. Nistra sounds Itallic frankly but may also be Greek/Thracian (compare with Ister) and do not forget the Slovak town of Nitra – the capital of the famous “Principality”. The Lognaos can perhaps have something to do with the Lugii/Łużyce/Lusatia though that’s a stretch. If these were Longaeos instead (more of a stretch) then we could have Lunsizi or maybe Lendizi. In any event, worth thinking about. If you want the MGH explanation, then see the page above in the footnotes (at least as of the 19th century variation).

The letter’s writing actually says the following (Munich codex):

Gregorius papa universis optimatibus et populo provinciarum germaniae. thuringis & hessis bor tharis & nistresis uuedreciis & lognais suduodis & graffeltis…

Munich 8112

German historians have tended to identify these with with various Teutonic tribes (for example, the Westphalians) but is that right? Sure, the Thuringi, Hessi and Gravelti may have been Teutonic but these other names? I am not so sure.

Two other things. There is also a letter in the same Register that was written by Gregory II that mentions Sarmatians in Constantinople – we’ll get back to that. Further, the letter itself (look at the language above in the MGH version) discusses all kinds of pagan superstitions which are interesting irrespective of whether they are Teutonic or Suavic.

Ratzeburg Tithe Register of the Year 1230

PublishedMay 25, 2019 Post authortorino

The Ratzeburger Zehntregister (that is, the Ratzeburg tithe register) comes to us from the year 1230. It contains a list of possessions of the bishopric of Ratzeburg around Mecklenburg, Lauenburg and, interestingly, also Holstein. Many of these are mentioned for the first time. It is currently found in Landeshauptarchiv Schwerin. Over time it has been reproduced in the Mecklenburgischen Urkundenbuch.

Fascinatingly, this register caused a minor scandal when it was used by Dmitri Nikolajewitsch Jegorow to publish “Die Kolonisation Mecklenburgs im 13. Jahrhundert” (2 Bände, Breslau 1930) which essentially argued that most of the colonization of these areas was done by Suavic settlers.

The list of towns from the register is below. The Suavic names are in red although the list as usual may be both under and over inclusive. They constitute roughly half of the names on the list. This is certainly curious as the year 1230 was 600 years after the initial wars of the Franks with the Suavs of Samo. Beyond that the list comes from Wikipedia and I retained the rather inconsistent numbering system they have there (not sure what the original source for that system is but it is probably not Wikipedia).

Land Ratzeburg

Parish Schlagsdorf

Slaukestorp

Schlagsdorf, Dorfkirche Schlagsdorf

M[e]chowe

Mechow

Slaubrize

Schlagbrügge

Mvltsan

Molzahn

Villa Elisabet

Villa Elisabet (eingegangen)

Vtechowe

Utecht

Campowe

Campow

Ripece

Rieps

Ratistorp

Schlagresdorf

Parish Carlow

uilla Kar[l]owe

Carlow, Dorfkirche Carlow

slauico Karlowe

Wendisch Carlow (in Carlow aufgegangen)

Demere

Demern

Scethinkestorp

Schaddingsdorf

Klokestorp

Klocksdorf

Pogatse

Pogez

Samekowe

Samkow

Stove

Rosenitze

Rünz (heute: Groß und Klein Rünz)

Nescowe

Neschow

Woytenthorp

Woitendorf

Parish Mustin

Mustin

Lankowe

Lankow

Dechowe

Dechow

Tvrove

Groß Thurow

slauico Tvrove

Klein Thurow

Dvzowe

Dutzow

Kitlist

Kittlitz

Goldense

Goldensee

Ekhorst

Ekhorst (defunct; area called “Eichhorster Räumde” in 1777)

Rvkelin

Röggelin

Gardense

Gardensee (defunct; by Ziethen on Garrensee)

Parish Seedorf

Sethorp

Seedorf, St.-Clemens-St.-Katharinen-Kirche

Tsachere

Groß Zecher

slauico Tsachere

Klein Zecher

Brisan

Bresahn

Nienthorp

Niendorf

slauico Sethorp

Wendisch Seedorf (defunct)

Dargowe

Dargow

Parish Sterley

[St]Ralige

Sterley

Holembeke

Hollenbek

Kerseme

Kehrsen

nigrum stagnum

Schwarzensee (later empty space at Oldenburg)

utrvmque Salim

Beide Salem (today there is only one Salem)

Cowale

Kogel

Clotesvelde

Klotesfelde (defunct; previously located on the way from Alt to Neuhorst)

Parish Gudow

[G]Odowe

Gudow

Bandowe

Bannau (defunct; on Bannauer Moor)

Lesten

Langenlehsten

Mazleviz

Maslevitz (eingegangen)

Sakkeran

(today’s Segrahn comes from a 1564 settlement; the old towns of Segrahn and Wendisch Segrahn (52) are defunct)

Lvtowe

Lütau (defunct; on the Lütauer See, lay SE of Mölln )

sclauicum Sakkeran

Wendisch Segrahn (defunct; see 50)

Dargenowe

Dargenow (defunct; within the area of Bergholz)

Besendale

Besenthal

Tsarnekowe

Sarnekow

GRambeke

Grambek

DRvsen

Drüsen (defunct; on the SW-end of the Drüsensee)

Parish Breitenfelde

[B]Redenvelde

Breitenfelde

Woltersthorp

Woltersdorf

Nienthorp

Niendorf

antiquum Mulne

Alt Mölln

Belowe

Bälau

Borchardesthorp

Borstorf

Logen

Logen (defunct; by Mannhagen)

Parish Nusse

[N]vsce

Nusse, Kirche Nusse

Walegotesvelde

Walksfelde

Pokense

Poggensee

Hagen

Mannhagen

Stenborg

Steinburg defunct; by Panten)

Kvcen

Kühsen

Dvuense

Duvensee

Panten

Ritzerowe, Manowe, Bercroth, Coberch

Ritzerau, Manau (defunct), Bergrade, Koberg

Klinkroth

Klinkrade

Sirikesvelde

Sirksfelde

sclauicum Sirikesvelde

Wendisch Sirksfelde (defunct; subdistrict Sirksfelde)

Lvchove

Lüchow

Zanzegnewe

Sandesneben

Sciphorst

Schiphorst

Linove

Linau

Helle

Helle (defunct)

Parish Berkenthin

[P]Arketin

Berkenthin

Gvldenize

Göldenitz

Ciresrode

Sierksrade

Hakenbeke

Hakenbek (defunct)

Climpove

Klempau

slauicum Sarowe

Klein Sarau

slauicum Parketin

Klein Berkenthin (today there is only one Berkenthin)

Parish Krummesse

[C]rumesse

Krummesse, Johanniskirche (Krummesse)

Scenkenberge

Groß Schenkenberg

Cronesvorde

Kronsforde

Stocheslestorp

Stochelsdorf (defunct)

Nienmarke

Niemark

Wulvestorp

Wulfsdorf

Begenthorp

Beidendorf

Gronove

Groß Grönau

Sarowe

Groß Sarau

Toradestorp

Gut Tüschenbek

Blankense

Blankensee

100

Valkenhus

Falkenhusen

101

Scatin

Schattin

Parish St. Georg (information is missing from the register)

102

Pogatse

Pogeez

103

Ad sclav. Pogatse

Holstendorf

104

Dvsnik

Groß Disnack

105

Ad unam domum

Einhaus

106

Hermannestorp

Harmsdorf

107

Cvlpin

Kulpin

108

Belenthorp

Behlendorf

109

Ad minus Belenthorp

Klein Behlendorf (defunct)

110

Ad maius Mancre

Groß Anker

111

Ad minus Mancre

Klein Anker (defunct)

112

Giselbrechtestorp

Giesensdorf

113

Albrechtesvelde

Albsfelde

114

Lankowe

Lankau

115

Ad omnia allodia in monte

Domäne Neuvorwerk (today south of the Ratzeburg train station)

Parish Schmilau

116

[S]milowe

Schmilau

117

Dormin

Dermin (defunct – sount and west part of today’s Ratzeburg subdistrict)

118

Borchvelt Raceburg

Burgfeld Ratzeburg (defunct – north part of today’s subdistrict Ratzeburg)

Parish Büchen

119

Boken

Büchen, Marienkirche (Büchen)

120

Brotne

Bröthen

121

Vitsin

Fitzen

Parish Mölln

122

Mvlne

Mölln, St. Nicolai (Mölln)

123

Gvletse

Gülze (defunct)

124

Pinnowe

Pinnau (defunct)

125

Pezeke

Pezeke (the old name for Marienwohlde)

Land Wittenburg

Parish Zarrentin

126

Tsarnetin

Zarrentin, Kirche Zarrentin

127

Vilun

Valluhn

128

Luttekowe

Lüttow

129

Cvltsin

Kölzin

130

Pampurine

Pamprin

131

Scalize

Schaliß

132

Bantin

Parish Neuenkirchen

133

Ad novam ecclesiam

Neuenkirchen

134

Stenvelde

Steinbeck

135

Melenteke

Neuhof

136

Lassan

Lassahn, St.-Abundus-Kirche (Lassahn)

137

Techin

138

Tvrkowe

Turkow (defunct)

139

Bosowe

Boissow

140

Ad sclav. Nienthorp

Wendisch Neudorf (defunct)

141

Campe

Kampenwerder

Parish Döbbersen

142

Dobersche

Döbbersen

143

Tessin

144

Stulniz

Stöllnitz

145

Droneviz

Drönnewitz

146

Bodin

Boddin

147

Badowe

Badow

148

Wozlize

Woez

149

Rocut

Raguth

150

Bentin

Parish Parum

151

Parem

Parum

152

Dvmmere

Dümmer

153

Scarsin

Schossin

154

Molenbeke

Mühlenbeck

155

Radelube

Radelübbe

156

Chemelin

Gammelin

157

Pogresse

Pogreß

Parish Wittenburg

158

agri civitatis Wittenburg

Wittenburg, St.-Bartholomäus-Kirche

159

Karwete

Karft

160

Warsekowe

Waschow

161

Ziklemarke

Ziggelmark

162

Lesen

Lehsen

163

Pvtselin

164

Bobecin

Bobzin

165

Woltsowe

Wölzow

166

Pvtlekowe

Püttelkow

167

Lvzowe

Dreilützow

168

Cerbeke

Düsterbeck (empty space now)

169

Lvkkeuiz

Luckwitz

Parish Hagenowe

170

Hagenowe

Hagenow

171

Bakenthorp

Bakendorf

172

Preceke

Presek

173

Vis

Viez

174

Potechowe

Pätow

175

Todin

Toddin

176

Mercrade

Merkrade (defunct)

177

Dametze

178

Grancin

Granzin

179

Tsabele

Zapel

180

Scarbowe

Scharbow

Parish Pritzier

181

Priscire

Pritzier

182

Gorezlawe

Gößlow

183

Wargeliz

Warlitz, St. Trinitatis (Warlitz)

184

Goldeniz

Goldenitz

185

Grabeniz

Gramnitz

186

Scarbenowe

Schwaberow

187

Cetsin

Setzin

188

Zwechowe

Schwechow

Parish Vellahn

189

Vilan

Vellahn

190

Clodram

Kloddram

191

Tramme

Tramm (defunct)

192

Jesowe

Jesow

193

Gansethorp

Goosfeld

194

Melcohche

Melkof

195

Dvssin

Düssin

196

Bralizstorp

Brahlstorf

197

Domeratse

Dammereez

198

Bansin

Banzin

199

Bolbruke

Bollbrügge (defunct)

200

Panitz

Penz (defunct)

201

Marsowe

Marsow

202

Sekkevin

Segefin (defunct)

Parish Körchow

203

Kurchowe

Körchow

204

Kattemarke

Helm

205

Zvabrowe

Schwaberow

206

Zvre

Zühr

207

Cvtsin

Kützin

208

Predole

Perdöhl

Parish Camin

210

Camin

211

Doytin

Doddin (defunct)

212

Golenbowe

Goldenbow

213

Holthusen

214

Vitekowe

Vietow

215

Cowale

Kogel

216

Dadowe

Dodow

Land Gadebusch

Parish Rehna

217

Bulowe

Bülow

218

Warnekowe

Warnekow

219

Lovetse

Löwitz

220

Glatsowe

Gletzow

221

Parport

Parber

222

Nesowe

Nesow

223

Ad sclav. Nesowe

224

Rene

Rehna

225

Tvrbore

Törber

226

Vitense

227

Woltsekenthorp

Wölschendorf

228

Brutsekowe

Brützkow

229

Ad sclav. Brutsekowe

230

Cochelestorp

Köchelsdorf

231

Bansin

Benzin

232

Hunnenthorp

Hundorf (Groß/Klein?)

233

Kasthorp

Kasendorf

234

Jeserits

Jeese

235

Herbordeshagen

236

Prope Tvrbore nova uilla

237

Wedewenthorp

Wedendorf

238

Ad aliud Wedewenthorp

239

Valkenhagen

Falkenhagen

Parish Vietlübbe

240

Vitelube

Vietlübbe, Dorfkirche Vietlübbe

241

Pvtrowe

Paetrow

242

Rambel

Rambeel

243

Hindenberge

Hindenberg

244

Sclavic. Hindenberge

245

Strestorp

Stresdorf

246

Vruwenemarke

Frauenmark

247

Dargun

Dragun

248

Rosenowe

Rosenow

Parish Pokrent

249

Pokrente

Pokrent, Dorfkirche Pokrent

Coselowe

Kaeselow

Cvzowe

Kützow?

Baleise

Bleese?

250

Antiquum Pokrente

Alt Pokrent

251

Rantsowe

Renzow

Parish Gadebusch

252

agri civitatis Godebuz

Gadebusch, Stadtkirche St. Jakob and St. Dionysius (Gadebusch)

253

Zvemin

254

Radegust

Radegast

255

Wokenstede

Wakenstädt

256

Ganzowe

Ganzow

257

Malin

Möllin

258

Metsen

Meetzen

259

Holtthorp

Holdorf

260

Germerstorp

Jarmstorf

261

Bocholt

Buchholz

262

Gustecowe

Güstow

263

Parsowe

Passow

264

Strestorp

Stresdorf

Parish Roggendorf

265

Rokkenthorp

Roggendorf, Dorfkirche Roggendorf

266

Brezen

Breesen

267

Knesen

Kneese

267a

Ad Sclav. Knesen.

Parish Salitz

Zadewalz

Groß Salitz, St. Marien (Groß Salitz)

Sclav. Sadewalz

Klein Salitz

Crampiz

Krembz

Land Schwerin

Parish Eichsen

248 a

Exen

Groß Eichsen, Johanniter-Kirche Groß Eichsen

“

Sconevelde

Schönfeld

“

Windelerstorp

Wendelstorf

“

Godin

Goddin

“

Ad molendinum

Mühlen Eichsen

“

Sevelde

Seefeld

“

Wostemarke

Wüstenmark

“

Rutnik

Rüting

Land Dassow

Parish Dassow

271

Dartsowe

Dassow, Nikolaikirche (Dassow)

272

Allodium militum Christi

Vorwerk

273

Sethorp

Seedorf

274

Bunesthorp

Bünsdorf

275

Pricenthorp

Prieschendorf

276

Uilla Thankmari

Dönkendorf

277

Uilla Willehelmi

Wilmstorf

278

Benekenthorp

Benckendorf

279

Uilla Johannis

Johannstorf

280

Uilla Volquardi

Volkstorf

281

Woteniz

Pötenitz

282

Erkense teutonicum

Harkensee

283

Erkense sclavicum

284

Indago Thankmari

Neuenhagen

285

Tankenhagen

286

Indago advocati

Voigtshagen

287

Rardolueshagen

288

Indago Woldemari

Parish Mummendorf

289

Mummenthorp

Kirch Mummendorf / Hof Mummendorf, Dorfkirche Kirch Mummendorf

290

Tramme

Tramm

291

Rodenberge

Rodenberg

292

Poppenthorp

Papenhusen

293

Ponatestorp

Pohnstorf

294

Johannisvelt

Hanstorf

295

Rucsin

Roxin

296

Uilla Reinwardi

Roggenstorf

297

in eisdem agris sclavica uilla

298

Uilla Tuscowe

Teschow (part of Selmsdorf or Börzow?)

299

Bvrtsowe

Börzow

Land Bresen

Parish Hohenkirchen

300

Ad altam ecclesiam

Hohenkirchen, Dorfkirche Hohenkirchen

301

Walmanstorp

Groß Walmstorf

302

Nova uilla

303

Ad parvum Walmanstorp

Klein Walmstorf

304

Euerakkerstorp

Everstorf

305

Uilla Hoyken

Hoikendorf

306

Gramekowe

Gramkow

307

Bekereviz

Beckerwitz

Reimanstorp

Wicenthorp

Hohen Wieschendorf

308

Mandrowe

Manderow

309

Jastreviz

Jassewitz

310

Marmotse

311

Nova uilla

Parish Proseken

312

Proceke

Proseken Dorfkirche Proseken

313

Uilla Lamberti

Landstorf

314

Wizok

Wisch

315

Mirowe

Zierow

316

Uilla Gerardi

317

Uilla Merzlaui

318

Gvgelowe

Gägelow

319

Krukowe

(Wismarsche Feldmark)

320

Damenhusen

Dammhusen

321

Woytenthorp

Weitendorf, Kapelle Weitendorf

322

Uilla Christofori

Stoffersdorf

323

Uilla Walteri

Woltersdorf

Parish Gressow

324

Gressowe

Gressow, Dorfkirche Gressow

325

Sibus

Zipphusen (empty space south of Barnekow)

326

Ad aliud Sibus

Zippfeld (remains are east of Parkplatz Mölenbarg)

327

Barnekowe

Barnekow

328

Coselowe

Käselow

329

Tressowe

Tressow

330

Quale

Quaal

331

Krankowe

Groß Krankow

332

Sclav. Krankowe

Klein Krankow

333

Cimerstorp

334

Marquardusthorp

Meierstorf

335

Plocekowe

Plüschow

336

Uilla Thedolfi

Testorf

337

Jamene

Jamel

338

Rutnik

Steinfort

339

Indago Fredeberni

Friedrichshagen

Parish Beidendorf

340

Begenthorp

Beidendorf, Dorfkirche Beidendorf

341

Uilla Lutheri

Luttersdorf

342

Uilla Martini

Martensdorf

343

Metenthorp

Metelsdorf

344

Uilla Mauricii

Schulenbrook

345

Uilla Clitse

Klüssendorf

346

Uilla Zscarbuz

Scharfstorf

347

Rambowe

Rambow

348

Ad unum Stitene

Stieten

349

Aliud Stitene

350

Ad tercium Stitene

351

Ad quartum Stitene

352

Uilla Zaviztorp

Saunstorf

353

Cogchelestorp

Köchelsdorf

354

Uilla Hermanni

Harmshagen

Parish Grevesmühlen

355

Gnevesmulne

Grevesmühlen, St. Nikolai

356

Natsenthorp

Naschendorf

357

Minnowe

Hilgendorf

358

Degetowe

Degtow

359

Uilla Conradi

360

Vulnustorp

361

Poizcrowe

Poischow(er Mühle)

362

Cristane

Kastahn

363

Wotenist

Wotenitz

364

Quastin

Questin

365

Vilebeke

Grevesmühlener Flur

366

Uilla Gozwini

Slaukestorp	Schlagsdorf, Dorfkirche Schlagsdorf

Gostorf

367

Santekowe

Santow

368

Ratnisvelt

Grevesmühlener Flur

369

Lutteken Warnowe

Warnow

370

Toradestorp

Thorstorf

371

Woldenhagen

Wohlenhagen

Land Klützerwald

Parish Klütz

372

Uilla Clutse

Klütz, Marienkirche (Klütz)

373

Superior uilla

Oberhof

374

Wittenburgerhagen

Tarnewitzerhagen

375

Uilla Wartus

Tarnewitz

376

Erpushagen

Arpshagen

377

Indago prepositi

Propsthagen?

Parish Damshagen

378

Thomashagen

Damshagen, St.-Thomas-Kirche (Damshagen)

379

Bvrissowe

Bössow

380

Porin

Parin

381

Rolueshagen

Rolofshagen

382

Cuzowe

Kussow

383

Gvttowe

Gutow

384

Ponatestorp

Pohnstorf

385

Wulsin

Welzin

386

Stellershagen

Stellshagen

Parish Elmenhorst

387

Elmenhorst

Elmenhorst, Dorfkirche Elmenhorst (Kalkhorst)

388

Wernekenhagen

Warnkenhagen

389

Stenbeke

Steinbeck

Parish Kalkhorst

390

Calchorst

Kalkhorst, Dorfkirche Kalkhorst

Sconeberge

Hohen Schönberg

Divelsbrok

Brook

Land Jabel

[…]

Land Wehningen

390a

Malke

Malk

“

Brezegore

Bresegard bei Eldena

“

Melgoz

Malliß

Land Derzing
(the later Amt Neuhaus)

[…]

Land Sadelbande

Hohenhorn

391

Cornu

Hohenhorn

392

Honwarde

Hamwarde

393

Gvltsowe

Gülzow

394

Tomene

Thömen (today part of Krukow)

395

Wigershop

Wiershop

396

Toschope

Tespe (relocated to the opposite Elbmarsch) and Tesperhude (today part of Geesthacht)

397

Vventhorp

relocated to the opposite Elbmarsch Avendorf

398

Crukowe

Krukow

399

Crutsen, Hasledale, Sculendorp, Bertoldestorp

Krüzen, Gut Hasenthal, Schulendorf, Bartelsdorf

Parish Siebeneichen

400

Soveneken (Ad septem Quercus)

Siebeneichen

401

Tramme

Tramm

402

Horgenbeke

Hornbek

403

Gutzrade

Güster

404

Wotartze

Wotersen, defunct into Wotersen

405

Rosborch

Roseburg

406

Nvssowe

Nüssau

407

(Müssen)

Müssen

408

Pampowe

Pampau

409

Sabenize

Sahms

410

Telekowe

Talkau

411

Cankelowe

Kankelau

412

Elmhorst

Elmenhorst

413

Cemerstorp

Cemerstorp (defunct)

414

Grabowe

Grabau

415

Grove

416

slauico Pampowe

Wendisch (Klein) Pampau

417

Pvtrowe

Pötrau

Parish Lütau

418

Lvtowe

Lütau

419

Wutsetse

Witzeeze

420

Dalthorp

Dalldorf

421

Wizok

Wizok (defunct)

422

Basdowe

Basedow

423

Lantsaze

Lanze

424

Bochorst

Buchhorst

425

uilla Godescalci

Villa Godescalci (defunct)

426

Volcmaresvelt

Volkmarsfeld (defunct)

427

Albrechteshope

Albrechtshop (defunct)

428

Snakenbeke

Schnakenbek

429

Abenthorp

Abbendorf (since1678 Juliusburg)

430

Coledowe

Kollow

431

Borist

Börse (defunct)

432

Wankelowe

Wangelau

433

Lelecowe

Lalkau (defunct)

Parish Hachede (Geesthacht)

434

Hagede

Hachede (Geesthacht), till 1684 St.-Peter-Kirche, from 1685 St.-Salvatoris-Kirche (Geesthacht)

435

Wigershop

Wiershop

436

Honwarde

Hamwarde

437

Hasledale

Krümmel (“krummes Hasledale” today part of Geesthacht, the village belonged to Hasenthal)

438

Besenhorst

439

Vorenthorp

Fahrender (today part of Kröppelshagen-Fahrendorf)

440

Cornu

Hohenhorn

441

Wort

Worth

Parish Kuddewörde

442

Kuthenworden

Kuddewörde

443

Grande

444

Honvelde

Hamfelde

445

Kerseborch

Kasseburg

445a

Vgenthorp

Ödendorf

446

Manse

Möhnsen

447

Rodenbeke

Rotenbek

Land Boizenburg

448

Grancin

Granzin

449

Gervin

Greven (Mecklenburg)

450

(G)alin

Gallin

451

N(iclesse)

Nieklitz

452

C(.)temperowe

Klemperow (defunct)

453

(N)ebande

Nebein (defunct)

454

Tuscowe

Tüschow

455

K(a)rr(entin)

Karrentin

456

Bunserstorpe

Groß Bengerstorf

457

Tessin

Tessin b. Boizenburg

458

Darsenowe

Dersenow

459

T(sar)nekest(orp)

Zahrensdorf

460

Blugg(ere)

Blücher

461

Lvttekemarc

Lüttenmark

462

Leister(ue)rde

Leisterförde

463

Benin

Bennin

Breviarium Sancti Lulli

PublishedMay 24, 2019 Post authortorino

The Breviarium sancti Lulli (aka Brevarium Lulli) is a list of the various properties claimed by the Hersfeld Abbey in Bad Hersfeld in the now federal state of Hesse.

The list refers to the ownership as of the time of the founding of the abbey in the days of Archbishop Lullus (710 – 786). It is part of the Hersfeld Capitulary – Liber de Libertatibus Locorum Hersfeldensium.

The Georg Landau edition from 1865

That book was written about A.D. 1150 and it contains a copy of the Breviarium that reflects a new redaction of the document from the end of the 9th century. It is one of the most important historical documents regarding Hesse and Thuringia from the time of the Carolingians. The document contains three tables listing:

royal gifts to the abbey (apparently through the year 802)
list of private possessions of the archbishop Lullus (up through the year 786)
gifts to the abbey from 776 to 815

That is, if the redaction is similar to the original then we have reflected in this 12th century work the state of affairs from the mid-8th century to the early 9th century. In any event, the list contains several interesting, possibly, Suavic names (others may also be Suavic so this is not an exclusive list):

Berisciza (Allendorf am Baerenschusse)
Jazaho (Nieder-Jossa)
Collide (Koelleda)
Seheshobite (Neuhausen)
Dribure (Trebra)
Bozilebo (Boesleben)
Vmisa
Juffelze (Giflitz)
Lizichesdorf (Lentzdorf)
Miluhesdorf (Milndorf)

There also other interesting names such as:

Suebada (Schwebda “an der Werra”) which recalls swoboda (though may mean “own Boden“)

Or:

Milinge (Mellingen, SE, as per Landau, of Weimar) which makes you think of those other Milingoi (Μηλιγγοί)

Most interesting the Suavs themselves are mentioned as belonging to the abbey. The Suavs come with your property if you own land in the following localities:

Bischhausen (near Neuental or, as Landau would have it, near Waldkappel?)
Muehlhausen (NE (really NW?) from Erfurt)
Remda (NW from Rudolfstadt)
Rudolfstadt
Buettstedt (N from Weimar)
Tuengeda (SW from Langensalza)
Schwabhausen (S of Gotha)
Rothenstein (on the Saale (Solawa) between Jena and Kahla)
Winningen (around Aschersleben)
Balgstedt (or Ballstädt?) (N of Gotha)
Zottelstedt (on the Ilm NW of Apolda)
Lentzdorf (E of Weida) (note this is called Lizichesdorf; note, too, Weyda > Wajda)
Rumsdorf (near Oldisleben)
Ramsdorf (near Taennich in the former county of Blankenhain)
Milndorf (Miluhesdorf) near Oldisleben
Drummaresdorf (unknown)
Vmisa (unknown)

Of course I was not able to highlight all of these but here are the ones that were easy (blue is the abbey, green are some uncertain places, red is the color of either the name mentioned or the place that, according to Landau, lies near the particular location).

Bertha the Soon-To-Be Queen of the Franks and Her Muslim Diplomacy with Suavic Presents

PublishedMay 3, 2019 Post authortorino

Bertha (circa 863 – 868 – March 925) was the (second) illegitimate daughter of Lothair II, King of Lotharingia by his concubine Waldrada. Though born in suspect circumstances she landed on her feet and became countess of Arles by marriage to Theobald of Arles (who died in 895). After that she became margravine of the mark of Tuscany by marriage (sometime between 895 and 898) to Adalbert II (the Rich!) of Tuscany. After Adalbert’s death in the year 915, she then served as regent of Lucca and Tuscany until 916 (during the minority of her son Guy of Tuscany).

In 906 she appears to have written a letter (claiming to be the Queen of the Franks!), via a captured eunuch from the realm of the Aghlabids of Ifriqiyah, to Caliph al-Muktafi (the same whose army sacked Thessalonica in 904) while showering him with presents and, it seems though this is uncertain, asking to set her up (when Adalbert was still alive!?) with the Aghlabid Emir of Sicily. She was apparently convinced that al-Muktafi could make that happen notwithstanding the fact that the Abbasid Caliphate, though nominally in control, did not have much sway with the Aghlabids of Ifriqiyah (Tunisia) and who controlled Sicily at the time (they fell to the Fatimids soon after). In any event, the embassy reached the Caliph where the letter, after some heavy lifting, was translated by the Caliph’s folks (first from Latin into Greek with which the Moors were familiar and, it seems, only then, into Arabic).

We apparently had no knowledge of Bertha’s activities until the letter’s discovery in 1951 (in Afyonkarahisar, Turkey) and publication in 1953 by Muhammad Hamidullah (“An Embassy of Queen Bertha to the Caliph al-Muktafi billah”). The letter was part of a larger work Kitab al-dhakha’ir wa’l-tuhaf, written by Qadi al-Rashid ibn al-Zubayr (Zubayri) which was published by Hamidullah in 1959. That work, dealing mostly with treasures obtained in various ways by Muslim rulers also contains several interesting examples of Western-Eastern correspondence. Not much is known about Zubayr though he was not an eyewitness to these embassies as he was likely an official in Cairo much later the 1060s/1070s (as per the French Ukrainian historian/archeologist Oleg Grabar). (Though mention of Bertha’s correspondence is also made by ibn al-Nadim in the 10th century).

So what does this have to do with Suavs? Well, the letter itemizes Bertha’s presents for the Caliph in detail and among those we find both Suavic eunuchs and Suavic slave girls.

A bit of uncertainty prevails, however, regarding whether the gifts were ever actually sent for there is another version of the below letter from which we learn that the gifts may have stayed home since the eunuch feared being intercepted by the Ifriqiyahs, his former masters. This other version is found in “The Life of al-Muktafi” which also contains the Caliph’s response to Bertha (along the lines of “with all due respect, I know you are not any Queen of the Franks”) as well as information about the return of the eunuch’s embassy to Bertha – it seems that the eunuch did not survive the return journey. The Caliph al-Muktafi also did not live much longer. Bertha, apparently, outlasted them all. What happened to the Suavs and which Suavic tribe they belonged to we will likely never know.

Note that the letter somehow seems to have escaped Lewicki’s team’s notice and is not found in his compendium of Arab and Muslim sources on the Suavs.

Here is the letter:

“In the name of God the merciful and gracious. May God protect you from all your enemies, o’ king excellent in authority and powerful in lordship, secure your kingdom and you healthy in body and soul.

I Bertha, daughter of Lothar, queen of all the Franks (!), I salute you my lord king. There was friendship between me and the king of Ifriqiyah for until now I did not suspect that there was a greater king than him on Earth. My ships having gone out took the ships of the king of Ifriqiyah whose commander was a eunuch named Ali: I took him prisoner together with one hundred and fifty men who were with him on three ships and they remained held by me for seven years. I found him to be intelligent and a quick study and he informs me that you are king over all [Muslim] kings; and though many people had visited my kingdom, no one had told me the truth of you except this eunuch that [now] brings my letter to you. I have sent with him gifts of various things that are found my country to honor you and obtain your friendship; they consist of the following:

fifty swords
fifty shields
fifty spears (of the type used by the Franks)
twenty gold-woven robes
twenty Suavic eunuchs
twenty beautiful and graceful Suavic slave girls– ten great dogs against which no other beasts can stand
seven hawks
seven sparrow hawks
a silk pavilion with the associated apparatus
twenty woolen garments produced from a shell extracted from the seabed in these parts, with iridescent colors like those of the rainbow, changing colors throughout the day
three birds (from the land of the Franks) who, if they see poisoned food and drink, throw a horrible scream and flap their wings, so that that circumstance becomes known
glass beads that painlessly draw arrows and spearheads, even if the flesh has grown around it.

He [the eunuch Ali] informed me that there is friendship between you and the king of the Byzantines who resides in Constantinople. But my rule is greater and my armies more numerous, for my lordship comprises twenty-four kingdoms, each of which has a different language from that of the kingdom that is near it, and in my kingdom is the city of Rome the Great. God be praised.

He told me about you and that your matters are proceeding well, filling my heart with satisfaction as I ask God to help me obtain your friendship and an agreement between us for however many years I remain alive: whether that happens depends on you. This agreement is a thing that no one in my family, in my clan or in my lineage has ever sought; no one had ever informed me about your armies and the splendor in which you find yourself until this eunuch that I sent to you so informed me.

Now then, oh Lord, by the grace of God, may great well-being be upon you.

Write to me about your well-being and all that you need most from my kingdom and from my country through this eunuch All. Do not keep him by your side, so that he can [return and] bring me your answer. I await his arrival. I also entrusted him with a secret he will tell you when he sees your face and hears your words, so that this secret may remain between us, since I do not want anyone to know of it except for you, me and this here eunuch.

May God’s most great health be upon you and yours and may God humble your enemies and make your feet trample upon them.

Salutations!”

The Sclavi Cubicularii in the Life of John of Gorze

PublishedApril 26, 2019 Post authortorino

John of Gorze was born at Vandières, France to a wealthy family. In 933 he became a Benedictine monk at the Gorze Abbey near Metz (Gorze is a roughly between Metz and Vandières). In 953, John was sent as an ambassador for Emperor Otto I to the Caliph Abd-al-Rahman III of Córdoba.

Reception area in the Córdoba palace

Let’s first give some historical context as this is a bit complicated.

It was a challenging time in Spain with the Moors, having defeated the weak Visigothic state, occupying most of the country and trying to use it as a base to further spread their influence into Europe. It seems that Rahman’s people were raiding Frankish lands from a base at Fraxinetum (La Garde-Freinet on the Côte d’Azur?). Therefore, in 950 the Frankish Emperor Otto I sent an embassy to the Caliph to complain. Rahman then sent a reply but apparently the “terms of the letter were highly offensive to Christianity” and, as a result the Caliph’s emissaries were held in Germany for three years.

In 953, the Emperor eventually released them. They left back for Córdoba but now accompanied by the monk John of Gorze along with his fellow monk, Garamannus. The monks carried Otto’s response to the Caliph. This was a letter prepared by Bruno, Archbishop of Cologne (and Otto’s brother). The letter was, apparently, insulting to Islam. Since John knew the contents, he seems to have understood his embassy more like a suicide mission. Being a fanatical monk, he may have hoped for martyrdom. The embassy reached Córdoba in 953 or 954.

After John’s embassy arrived at Córdoba with the letter (as well as gifts for the Caliph), John was at first forced to deal not with the Caliph but with the Caliph’s plenipotentiary, the local vezir Hasdai bin Shaprut (yes, the same Hasdai of the Gebalim letter fame) whose mission was to investigate the contents of the imperial response before it was presented to the Caliph. In effect, the Muslim ruler, knowing that he pissed Otto off, did not want have Otto’s reply be read in public. John eventually disclosed the letters to Hasdai who urged him not to deliver the letter to the Caliph. John, however, was steadfast stating it seems that the presents that Otto sent could not be delivered without the letter having been given to the Caliph first. It seems that the Muslims were happy to get the gifts but not to have a scandal at the court (the same scandal that Otto apparently had to suffer at the hands of the Moor’s ambassadors).

Presumably as a tit for tat for the Muslim emissaries having been imprisoned by Otto for three years, the Christian embassy was also imprisoned somewhere in the vicinity of the palace for three years until the court dignitaries and the Caliph decided how to deal with the situation. In the meantime, the Caliph’s court Christian, a certain Bishop John (no relation to our John) was sent by his master to sway John of Gorze from delivering the letter. The monk seems to have grown disgusted at the meek nature of his, theoretical, superior and nothing was achieved.

Eventually, John stated that he would do whatever the Emperor told him suggesting that another Moorish embassy be sent to Otto. A local Córdoban court official, perhaps a Visigoth (or, more likely, a Frank), by the name Recemundus (who was a Christian) was sent to Otto for more instructions. He arrived at Gorz in ten weeks and stayed there and in Metz. He was received by Otto in Frankfurt and got further diplomatic missives prepared for Rahman. Recemundus left Frankfurt on Palm Sunday 956 with a companion – Dudo of Verdun – and arrived back at Córdoba in early July 956. Presumably, the new missives were less offensive than the original letter or contained some additional information. In any event, the Caliph eventually deigned to see John and the monk after some further meetings with the Caliph returned to the Frankish realm. He died many years later in 974. Furthermore, Recemundus, as a reward for this and other services was made a bishop in Granada. He was later sent on other missions by the Caliph to Byzantium, Syria and Jerusalem.

We learn the story of the embassy from the Vita of John (Vita Joannis Abbatis Gorziensis) written by his friend, another John, the abbot of the abbey of Saint Arnulph located in Metz. The work was written in the 10th century and is an interesting window into the state of affairs (including the very narrow religious tolerance of the Moors) on the Iberian Peninsula.

What is even more interesting for our purposes is that when John arrives in Córdoba some of the messaging with the Caliph is done by persons described as sclavi cubicularii or, more specifically, to give Pertz’ case sclavos cubicularios. So the question was are these sclavi cubicularii, that is “chamber slaves” or are these Sclavi cubicularii, that is “chamber Suavs.” Since Suavs were sold into Muslim slavery (see here and here and here or in many other places on this website), their name became synonymous with that of “slave” eclipsing the original Latin servus. However, that process took a while and it is not clear when that actually happened. Assuming tenth century authorship of the Life of John of Gorze, that transformation may not yet have taken place. If this is correct, the the slaves are really Suavs, once again, suggesting a significant role for at least some of them in Moorish-occupied Spain. Of course, such Suavs would have been slaves or perhaps, more accurately, servants at the court.

The manuscript was published in print in 1657 by Philippe Labbe in his Novae bibliothecae manuscriptorum librorum (tomus primus). A year later it came out in the Bollandists’ Acta Sanctorum as part of their “February tomus III” volume. Then it was edited by Pertz for the MGH (Monumenta Germaniae Historica). Both Labbe and the Bollandists opted for “Suavs” but Pertz went with “slaves.”

The Latin is essentially the following:

Primoribus ergo illis palatium petentibus, cum regi super hoc per nuntios suggessissent — nam accessus ad eum ipsum clarissimus, et nisi maximum quid ingruerit nullus, tantum litteris per sclauos cubicularios omnia perferuntur — ille nihil eorum ad se perlatum rescribit.

Here is the Labbe edition text:

And the Bolland edition.

And, finally, here is Pertz.

So what does the original look like?

We’ll get to that but for now let’s take a look at the English translation of the relevant fragments dealing with John’s embassy. Most of this is from “Christians and Moors in Spain,” translated and edited by Colin Smith with Charles Peter Melville as well as Ahmad Ubaydli, Warminster, 1988, volume I (text number 14) (as part of “Niceties of diplomacy (953-56)” which was “reprinted with corrections” in 1993. (I also took some of the information shown up above from these Colin Smith fragments and from the lead in to the same translation). Note that the Smith translation calls Gorze, Görz (German spelling) and calls Córdoba, Cordova – I kept each of those spellings.

[It seems that the contents of Otto’s letter were leaked by a certain priest before the embassy’s (and the returning Rahman emissaries’) arrival and various local court officials managed to intercept the embassy and tried to sway it to turn back. Unfortunately for them, they then stopped to dally in Saragossa and were overtaken by John with his letter who, with this companions, entered Córdoba ahead of them.]

(120) As a result, [the nobles] having deliberated among themselves to determine whether this had [already] come to the attention of the Caliph, and being unable to assure themselves of this, they decided to inform the same [that is the Caliph] of this fact.

It should be noted that the law by which they [Muslims] are governed is so strict, that that which once is imposed as a precept to entire nation, cannot be annulled in any way, and binds equally the Caliph and the people, paying with life for every transgression, which the Caliph punishes when [such transgression] comes from his subjects, just as the people rise up to punish those who commit the same [transgressions]. The first and most terrible prescription of their laws is that no one should dare to utter the slightest word against their religion, a crime that without remission is atoned for by beheading, both among the natives and the foreigners. If the Caliph hears [the case?] and decides to stay the sword till the next day [?], the same penalty is then carried out without the slightest chance of deferral [of the punishment?].

So, then, when those nobles went to the palace and asked the Caliph about it, using intermediaries – for rarely does he deign to let others into his presence and no one is allowed [to see him] without having gone through much trouble, with all matters being dealt with through letters that go through the house Suavs – the Caliph replied that no letter or document had come into his hands, that his friends had announced the arrival of some ambassadors to him, and that they had been received by his son in his [the son’s] own house, but that he [the Caliph] was still ignorant of the object that they carried. With this answer he managed to placate the concerns of the nobles; although the truth was that that rumor had already reached his ears, whose accuracy he would check by means of [his] secret envoys, although the fear of his people made him hide the manner in which he had learned this.”

(121) The Caliph, always timid and uncertain, considered what danger might threaten him, and sought contrivances of all kinds by which he might avoid it. First he sent to them [the Christian emissaries] a certain Jew, Hasdeu [Hasdai bin Shaprut] by name, none more wise was ever seen or heard of than he, as our people testified, in order that he should discuss everything thoroughly with them. On account of his reputation for patience, he had it put about that he was the bearer of the royal commission, so that he could first win John’s confidence, thereby giving him cheer and freeing him from fear, assuring him that no harm would come to him and that they would be sent home with honour. He reminded them of many things concerning the customs of the [Muslim] people and how they should behave in their presence. As young men they should refrain from all manner of idle and lewd gestures or words; no [offense] would be so slight so as not to be reported at once to the Caliph. If there should be ready opportunities for going out, they should not even show any inclination for light-hearted joking with the women, for the sternest punishment would be inflicted upon them. They should in no way depart from the guidance being offered them, for they would be most carefully watched, and would be thought guilty of the smallest fault.

After John had replied to all this as best he could, and had most willingly listened to his adviser, securing the agreement of his companions for their part, and after much else had been added to the above, the Jew cautiously began on the main matter. What, he earnestly asked, had they been sent to do? Since he saw that John was hesitating somewhat – even though the discussion between them was taking place In private – he gave a promise of confidentiality, especially if the matter carried a need of total secrecy. John set it all out in good order: Once the presents had been given to the Caliph, the letter must also be brought to the Caliph’s attention, without that there should be no presents offered, nor would it be right for him to enter the Caliph’s presence. Then he disclosed the message of the letter in his own words. ‘It would be dangerous’, said the Jew [after hearing this?], ‘for you to see the Caliph with this. Surely you must be careful about what reply you make to the Caliph’s messengers when they come to you. I do not doubt that the severity of the law is already well known to you, and you must consider how you can act carefully and avoid that.’

(122) The Jew left, and after a few months [!] a certain bishop John was sent to them. He, after many discussions of mutual interest (as between members of the same faith), both asked for and offered back, brought the Caliph’s order: that the Christian ambassadors should be brought into the royal presence with their gifts alone. ‘What then’, asked John of Gorz, ‘about the letters from the Emperor? Was I not ordered to make a most important issue of them? For if the Emperor sends insults, he, by having these rejected, as the empty fabrications of his error, will be confounded.’ Bishop John answered this in measured tones. ‘Consider’, he said, ‘under what conditions we live. We have been driven to this by our sins, to be subjected to the rule of the pagans. We are forbidden by the Apostle’s words to resist the civil power. Only one cause for solace is left to us, that in the depths of such a great calamity they do not forbid us to exercise our own laws. They can see that we are diligent followers of the Christian faith, and so they cultivate us and associate with us, just as they delight in their own society, while they thoroughly detest the Jews. For the time being, then, we keep the following counsel: that provided no harm is done to our religion, we obey them in all else, and do their commands in all that does not affect our faith. So I advise you now to leave most of these things unsaid, and altogether to suppress that letter, rather than to bring about a most dangerous clash for yourself and for your people when there is absolutely no need to do it.’

(123) Somewhat angered, John of Gorz replied: ‘It would be fitting for someone other than you, a bishop, to utter such sentiments. But since you are a propagandist for the faith, your superior rank should have made you a defender of it, and still less should you obstruct others in preaching the truth out of any human fear, nor should you yourself hold back from doing that. It would be altogether better for a Christian man to suffer the harsh burden of hunger, than to join in the banquets of the gentiles and thus favour the destruction [of the faith?] of others. In this regard – and this is a thing most hateful to the whole Catholic Church, and evil – I hear that you are circumcised according to the custom of Islam, when the forthright statement of the Apostle is: “If you circumcise yourselves, Christ will not help you.” I hear the same of your foodstuffs, some of which you reject for the sake of keeping on good terms with the Moslems: “All things are clean for those who are clean in soul”; “There will be prating sages who will teach this and that in a beguiling way, among other things abstinence from certain foods, even though God created them to be prepared with thanksgiving by His faithful”; and “Let it be made blessed by the Word of God and by prayer”.’ But Bishop John answered: ‘Necessity constrains us, for otherwise there would be no way in which we could live among them. Indeed, we hold it so as something handed down to us and observed by our ancestors from time immemorial.’ ‘Never’, said John of Gorz, ‘could I approve of that: that the divine laws should be transgressed out of fear, or for friendship, or on account of some human favour. […] Even if I accept that you, constrained by necessity, fall in line with them, I, by the grace of God free from such necessity, and with my mind firmly made up, will in no way be deflected by any fear or enticement or favour from those orders of the Emperor which I undertook to obey. So I will not agree to suppress or alter one iota of these letters, and if anyone should have any objection to make against those things which we state concerning our firm Catholic faith, or comes up with some contrary view of our claims, I will publicly oppose him, and will not for the sake of life itself run away from the task of witnessing to the truth.’

(124) These remarks were secretly reported to the Caliph. The messages not having been sent publicly by the Caliph, John of Gorz could not reply publicly, and the bishop had come into the matter solely in order to make exploratory inquiries. The Caliph, in careful consultations (such as are said to be advisable for all mortals), tried to determine how by one means or another he might influence the emissary’s mind, believing that — just as the strongest wall can be shaken by driving siege-engines against it – he would manage to shake John’s firmness of purpose. When after a month or a period of six or seven weeks of sending messengers to him, and trying to secure some concession within the limits the Christians had set for themselves, it became clear that the latter would not make any change from their original position, the Caliph in amazement at such constancy turned to other possibilities. First, one Sunday, he sent a letter to John full of threats, thinking he could fill the Christians with fear, since they were freely practising their religious rites in his realm. They were allowed to go only to the nearest church, St Martin’s, and that only on Sundays or for the important feast-days of our religion, that is Christmas, Epiphany, Easter, the Ascension, Pentecost, St John, and the days dedicated to the Apostles and the Saints, being accompanied there and back by twelve guards of the sort they call ‘sagiones‘. As John was going to church that Sunday, a letter was handed to him. Because the size of the letter – it was a square of parchment – alarmed him, lest it should call him away from holy communion, to which he was going, he deferred opening it for the time being, until (their holy duties being performed) they returned to their lodging. When he read it, he found certain alarming things which might happen to him, and owned that he had never been so disturbed before by other kinds of fears.

(125) For, after many things with which he was threatened if he refused to obey the Caliph’s commands, by which he declared he was in no way moved, the following was finally stated: that if he should be killed, he [the Caliph] would not leave any Christian in the whole of al-Andalus alive, but would slaughter them all. He added: ‘Think of your responsibility before God for the death of so many souls, of people who, were it not for your obstinacy, [would] not perish on account of any other charge, and who ought to be able to hope for peace and salvation from you. You are at liberty to ask on their behalf for any concession you like, rather than persisting so obstinately in opposition to us.’ John of Gorz turned these things over in his mind as he re-read the letter while walking from the church to his lodging, his mind being torn by great doubts as he tried to decide what to do, and what sort of reply he should make to the Caliph, for he had little experience of such things. But he was suddenly reminded of that axiom – as he often told us – by which all terror and fear might be banished from the mind: he said ‘Cast thy burden upon the Lord’ [Psalms 55.22], and again, ‘Who hath made man’s mouth? Have not I the Lord?’ [Exodus 4.11].

[In section 126, John dictates an uncompromising letter to the Caliph.]

(127) When this letter reached the Caliph, it did not rouse his mind to anger, as had happened before; instead he referred it to his council. The Caliph was first advised by his councillors, to whom our affairs were already known, to suppress his wrath, lest there should be a risk of a confrontation with our Emperor. He, a most warlike victor over many peoples, bringing together the forces of many realms, might ravage all al-Andalus with diverse disasters, and would perhaps take control of it all by right of conquest, in retaliation for all the wrongs done to him, especially to his emissaries, for no wrong was ever received with greater indignation than this. After much discussion of these matters, someone by chance suggested that since the man [John of Gorz] seemed to be so firm in his purpose, and could not be thought to be any the less in good sense, and had shown himself to be so constant in his faith after such a long period, and would not therefore deny his faith under any merely human pressures, he should himself be asked what he considered should be done. So John heard this final resolution from carefully—chosen emissaries. He replied to them as follows: ‘At last, thanks to sound counsel, you have made some progress. If that sound counsel had been taken at the start, much tedium and anxiety for you and for us might have been avoided. Now a swift and easy plan presents itself. Let an embassy be sent by your Caliph to our Emperor, so that it can bring me back word about what I should do with my orders. As soon as I have letters from the Emperor, I will obey in all things.’

(128) When these developments were reported to the Caliph, he accepted the suggestion as a wise one, and ordered that someone willing to undertake such a long journey should be sought; and since very few or almost none would be willing to come forward, it was proposed that anyone willmg to go should be able to claim, on his return, any honour he chose, and all manner of rewards. Eventually a certain Recemundus – a Catholic, moreover, and exceptionally learned in both Arabic and Latin literature — presented himself from among the palace staff.

[… 129, 130: Recemundus journeyed to Gorz in ten weeks, staying there and in Metz and eventually being received by the Emperor in Frankfurt. ‘Litterae mitiores‘, ‘more diplomatic letters’, were there prepared for the Caliph. Recemundus left on Palm Sunday 956 with a companion, Dudo of Verdun, and reached Cordova in early July.]

(131) When all these matters were explained to him, John, released from almost three years of cloistered seclusion, was ordered to appear in the royal presence. When he was told by the messengers to make hiinself presentable to royalty by cutting his hair, washing his body, and putting on clean clothes, he refused, lest they should tell the Caliph that he had changed in his essential being beneath a mere change of clothes. The Caliph then sent John ten pounds in coin, so that he might purchase clothing to put on and be decent in the royal eyes, for it was not right for people to be presented in slovenly dress. John could not at first decide whether to accept the money, but eventually he reasoned that it would be better spent for the relief of the poor, and sent thanks for the Caliph’s generosity and for the solicitude he had deigned to show him. The monk added in his reply: ‘I do not despise royal gifts, but it is not permitted for a monk to wear anything other than his usual habit, nor indeed could I put on any garment of a colour other than black.’ When this was reported to the Caliph, he remarked: ‘In this reply I perceive his unyielding firmness of mind. Even if he comes dressed in a sack, I will most gladly receive him.’

(132) On the day which had been agreed for John’s presentation at court, all the elaborate preparations for displaying royal splendour were made. Ranks of people crowded the whole way from the lodging to the centre of the city, and from there to the palace. Here stood infantrymen with spears held erect, beside them others brandishing javelins and staging demonstrations of aiming them at each other; after them, others mounted on mules with their light armour; then horsemen urging their steeds on with spurs and shouts, to make them rear up. In this startling way the Moors hoped to put fear into our people by their various martial displays, so strange to our eyes. John and his companions were led to the palace along a very dusty road, which the very dryness of the season alone served to stir up (for it was the summer solstice). High officials came forward to meet them, and all the pavement of the outer area of the palace was carpeted with most costly rugs and coverings.

(133) When John arrived at the dais where the Caliph was seated alone

– almost like a godhead accessible to none or to very few – he saw everything draped with rare coverings, and floor-tiles stretching evenly to the walls. The Caliph himself reclined upon a most richly ornate couch. They do not use thrones or chairs as other peoples do, but recline on divans or couches when conversing or eating, their legs crossed one over the other. As John came into his presence, the Caliph stretched out a hand to be kissed. This hand-kissing not being customarily granted to any of his own people or to foreigners, and never to persons of low and middling rank, but only to the high-born and to those of exceptional dignity, the Caliph none the less gave John his hand to kiss.

(134) Then the Caliph signed to John to be seated. A lengthy silence ensued on both sides. Then the Caliph began: ‘I know your heart has long been hostile to me, and that is why I refused you an audience till now. You yourself know that I could not do otherwise. I appreciate your steadfastness and your learning. I wish you to know that things which may have disturbed you in that letter were not said out of enmity towards you; and not only do I now freely receive you, but assure you that you shall have whatever you ask.’ John — who, as he later told us, had expected to utter something harsh to the Caliph, since he had long harboured such resentment — suddenly became very calm and could never have felt more equable in spirit. So he answered that he could not deny he had at first been greatly exercised by the harsh tone of the emissaries, and had thought it better to remain silent for a long period than to torment himself by feigned rather than true statements of threats in response to the Caliph’s threats; but eventually all the obstacles placed in his way by deeds and words over three years had been removed from above, and now no obstacle based on justified enmity remained to make him doubtful of his status. This being so, he had dismissed these things completely from his mind, and was only glad that he had won such generosity and favour, and that in this matter he had perceived such strength of purpose and moderation in the royal heart, and a most noble character. The Caliph was greatly pleased with these remarks, and addressed John on other subjects. Then he asked him to hand over the presents from the Emperor. When this was done, John instantly requested permission to leave. The Caliph asked in surprise: ‘How does this sudden change come about? Since both of us have waited so long for a sight of each other, and since we have now scarcely met, is it right for us to part as strangers? Now that we are together, there is an opportunity for each of us to acquire a little knowledge of the other’s mind, and we could meet again at greater length, and on a third occasion forge a truly firm bond of understanding and friendship. Then, when I send you back to your master, you could bear yourself thither with all due honour.’ John agreed to this. They ordered the other emissaries to be brought in, and the presents which they were carrying were handed over to the Caliph.

(135) The Christians returned to their lodging, and when after a time John was again called to see the Caliph, he conversed with him on a number of subjects of mutual interest: the power and wisdom of our Emperor, the strength and numbers of his army, his glory and wealth, events of war, and many things of that kind. The Caliph for his part boasted that his army exceeded that of any other of the rulers of the world in strength. John made but little answer to this, saying only what might serve to pacify the Caliph’s mind, but eventually he added: ‘I speak the truth when I say that I know of no monarch in the world who can equal our Emperor In lands or arms or horses.’

What does the original say?

As you can see, we won’t get the answer from this as capitalization had not yet taken hold when the manuscript was put together. For what it’s worth, the question has been around for many years with, for example, the Polish revolutionary and popular historian Karol Szajnocha (who, to be sure, did have some crazy theories) firmly believing that the above reference was to Suavs.

Finally, I will leave you with this thought about Gorze aka Görz. Gorze lies in a portion of France that is replete with -in town names. It lies next to Metz and Vandières. Is Gorze a Celtic or Teutonic name? Well, consider where there are other similarly named towns. For example, we have Gorz in Iran (Baluchistan). We also have Gorizia (also aka Görz) in Italy on the Slovene border. This last town’s name was first recorded as Goriza in a document dated April 28, 1001, in which Otto III donated the castle and the village of Goriza to the Patriarch of Aquileia John II and to Count Verihen of Friuli. That document referred to Gorizia as “the village known as Goriza in the language of the Suavs (Villa quae Sclavorum lingua vocatur Goriza). Gorica (the likely original transcription of Goriza) just means “mountain” in Suavic. (This, quite apart from the fact that one of the first sentences in Polish written apparently about the 13th century was “A great calamity befell upon us!” (Gorze się nam stało!) by Henry the Pious in reference to the defeat of the Silesians by the Mongols. This creates another potential Suavic etymology).

So the question is what is the origin of the name of the French Gorze? The first time this town was mentioned seems to have been in 762 (“Monasterium in Gorzia“).

Remains of the abbey church at Gorze

Seehausen Horns Aplenty

PublishedApril 12, 2019 Post authortorino

An interesting figurine was found by a certain Mr. Günter Wagener at Seehausen (county of Börde) just west of Magdeburg. I’ve had a picture or two of it before but think it’s interesting to see again.

Labeled, for obvious reasons, as the Trinkhornmann von Seehausen this is what it looks like:

The obvious item here is the potential cornucopia, the horn of plenty. A horn in Suavic mythology appears in a number of places:

Svantevit description in Saxo
Zbruch idol
Altenkirchen stone

More recently, another find is the “mini-horn” from Groß Strömkendorf (in county Nordwestmecklenburg).

Arkona’s Jasmund

PublishedMarch 8, 2019 Post authortorino

On the East side of Cape Arkona, lies Jasmund, the site of Jasmund National Park.

For those wanting to identify the Polabian Svantevit (worshipped at Arkona) with the Polish Jas, this presents a golden (or rather silver) opportunity. What is the origin of the word Jasmund?

Vasmer thought that the name Jasmund was of a Scandinavian origin with a Suavic overlay. Specifically, he thought the root was Norse comparing it to a name – Asmundr – that he was aware of. The “J”, however, he took for a Suavic addition. This may or may not be the case. There is no specific reason and Vasmer did not suggest such a reason why the cape should have anything to do with some guy by the name Asmundr. However, there is a connection to Svantevit, who rode out by night, if we explain the as- with a jas- that is as a reflection, so to speak, of light – jasny – just means light or bright in Suavic.

Moreover, although the word mund may mean “mind” or “mouth”, the Mond is also the German word for the “moon”. (Incidentally, why the same word may be used for both “mouth” and “moon” should be obvious to anyone who looks up at the moon anytime other than when there is a full moon…) In Polish, the word księżyc means the moon. That word, however, translates as the “little prince.” The original Suavic word seems to have been something like miesiąc (misyats compare this with the Ukrainian місяць) which today means “month” for obvious reasons. Whether these terms reflect the concept of a “man in the moon” (Mensch – compare this with the Suavic mąż which later in Polish at least turned into through a Russianism became mężczyzna.

The first mention of Jasmund is in 1232 – where see in Yasmunt curiam – as can be seen from the Pommersches Urkundenbuch:

Then in 1249 we have the same name under the term terre Yasmndie.

Whether Sagard, a nearby place has anything to do with Asgard is another question although given the history of Sagard, this is unlikely.

Verschiebung

PublishedJanuary 29, 2019 Post authortorino

An interesting place name is Oederquart. First mentioned in 1331 as Oderkort. Subsequently, as Oderquerd (1332-1333), Oderchurt (1345) and then Oderquord. The suffix -quart is supposed to indicate a hill. What kind of a hill? Well, Oderick’s hill. Hence Oederquart (or Odericks Wurt). But this seems to be folk etymology. The suffix has – quart seems rather to indicate something slightly different, namely, a ford. Why the “q”? Compare this with the German word queren or durchqueren, literally, “to cross” and “to cross over.” Such names appear in many places – for example, Franfurt and so forth. So is there a river next to the town? Usually, there is. But here we have a big one. Specifically, the Elbe. Which raises a question: why is there an Oder-furt on the Elbe? An answer could be that the Elbe was known as Oder before it became the Elbe. As tribes moved eastwards (or were pushed, perhaps by the by the Romans, eastwards), they transferred their Oder name to the next big river over – today’s Odra. This would also provide an etymology for the name of the Obodrites – “the people who live between – obieodry – both/the two Odras”. The original name of today’s Odra river could, in turn, have been moved eastwards and applied to the next big river East – today’s Vistula.

West of Hamburg, West (?) of Bremen

PublishedJanuary 5, 2019 Post authortorino

The commonly accepted boundary of the Germania Suavica – the acknowledged area of Suavic settlement in Germany runs mostly along the Elbe. West of the Elbe, exceptions are made for Wendland around Luneburg but, generally, the understanding is that at that point you get into ethnically German territories in Westphalia, Brunswick and Ostfriesland. But if you look closely you can just make out some interesting place names that are west of Hamburg (that is west of the Elbe) up until Bremen (which sits on the Weser) and perhaps even a bit further. (Curiously, the very name Bremen suggests the Suavic word brama meaning “gate” – perhaps to the lands on the Weser).

For example (red in the picture below):

Bülkau – mentioned first in 1404 as Bulcow and Buklow, later in 1680 as Pilkauw and then in 1702 as Biklau but it was also written as Bolkauw.
Oppeln – first mentioned in 1309 is right next to Bülkau (and WIngst). The German settlers, of course, called the Polish Opole, Oppeln. Was this because those settlers remembered a tiny village west of Hamburg? Or is this western Oppeln also a Germanization of an earlier name?
Am Dobrock – first mentioned in first mentioned in 1626, it sits just northeast of Bülkauand Oppeln , near the confluence of the rivers Oste and Elbe.
Belum – just north of Bülkau. This sounds like the Suavic bel meaning “white”.
Groden – just west of Belum. This is obviously similar to the Suavic grod meaning “burg” or “castle”.
Brest – southeast of these towns. Obviously similar to the Polish/Belorussian Brzesc and the Venetic Brest of Bretagne.
Zeven – first mentioned in 986 as “kivinan à Heeslingen” in the records of the nearby monastery of Heeslingen. Kivinan is not an apparently Suavic name but later the name comes up as Sciuena (1141), Cyuena (1158), Zcivena, Scevena, Skhevena and Tzevena.
Sievern – first mentioned in 1139. This seems connected to the “North” in Suavic just like the tribe of the Severians or Severyans or Siverians or Siewierzanie (*severjane) who are mentioned by Nestor but earlier perhaps also by the “Bavarian Geographer” as the source of all the Suavs (Zeriuani, quod tantum est regnum, ut ex eo cunctae gentes Sclauorum exortae sint et originem, sicut affirmant, ducant; although perhaps also as Zuireani habent ciuitates CCCXXV). But perhaps it comes from “seaver”.

I am not suggesting all these are Suavic (almost all have another etymology) but there is enough of them that an examination seems useful. Moreover, there are other names nearby that may hint at Suavs (or Balts) as well (blue in the picture below):

Soltau – south east of Zeven. First mentioned in 936 as Curtis Salta. However, later the names shows up as Soltouwe.
Bomlitz – next to Soltau. This is often cited as an example of a non-Suavic place name with an -itz suffix. The name was recorded for the first time in the form Bamlinestade from the river Bamlina (meaning, supposedly, a small Baumfluss). Later the town was known as Bommelse. Now (first attested in this form in 1681) both the town and the river are known as Bomlitz. Curiously, Bomlitz River (and the town) are close to the river Böhme (as in Bohemian).
Butjadingen – on the other side of which is also the name of that entire peninsula (Butjadingerland) up to the Jade Bight. Perhaps something to do with the Budinoi.
Dangast – the suffix -gast is frequent in German names but also in Suavic names (Ardagastus). When it comes to place names however most seem to be Suavic or related to Suavs. The locality Dangast sounds similar to another place name – Wolgast which is obviously a Germanization of the Suavic version. Then there is Wogastisburg of Samo’s fame – presumably also a Suavic name.
Ihlow – compare with Ihlow in Brandenburg (between Berlin and Kostrzyn); compare too with Iława (Deutsch Eylau) which was originally called Ylawia, Ilow, Ylaw and Ylow.
Balje – from low German balge but note that the East Prussian Balga supposedly came from the Old Prusian word balgnan. Thus, it seems impossible to assign the language of those who named these places between German and, in this case, Baltic Prussian.

The above mentioned towns in relation to the historical Wendland

Wilhelm Boguslawski named some other names: Steinau, Krempel, Midlum, Spieka, Lehe, Spaden, Grambke as potentially Suavic – I actually think most of these have nothing to do with Suavs. Other names nearby (from the Rastede monastery grant of 1124) that may merit an investigation: Börsten (Bursati), Swidero/Svidero, Brunin, Henchinhusin (because of Henchin-), Nertin, Tvislon, Swirlichin, Smerlachen, Magelissin, Enschinin, Withlike, Benchinhusen (because of Benchin-), Widinchusen/Windenchusen, Wellin, Wisteren/Winstrin, Wadinbech (because of Wadin), Mühlenwisch (because of the -isch), Scrotinh, Nordleda.

The Greater Poland Chronicle provides the following description:

“The Rhine and the Danube are the the greater rivers of the Teutonic nation, whereas the Vandalus (Vistula), the Oder and the Elbe are the great rivers of the countries of Poland and Bohemia. Around these last three rivers, they [Suavs] held also the lands in-between and those countries that bordered them and they hold them still, as is known, from there up to the North Sea. Whereas the Saxons, having left their very small lands and villages and moving to the wide lands of the Suavs, settled permanently in those places.”

632 or 633

779 or 780

789

795(?)

798

804

805

806

808

809

810

811

812

Land Ratzeburg

Land Wittenburg

Land Gadebusch

Land Schwerin

Land Dassow

Land Bresen

Land Klützerwald

Land Jabel

Land Wehningen

Land Derzing (the later Amt Neuhaus)

Land Sadelbande

Land Boizenburg

Land Derzing
(the later Amt Neuhaus)