Poenitentiale Merseburgense

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Karl Heinrich Meyer notes in the appendix to his compendium on Suavic religion (Fontes historiae religionis Slavicae) certain passages from the Merseburg Penitential (Poenitentiale Merseburgense) which may or may not refer to Suavic customs. Nevertheless, given that some of these may in fact have a Suavic origin we include them here. The ones included are only the ones mentioned by Meyer and represent his choice of those that appeared to him to be most likely connected with Suavs.

For the complete penitential (which contains a total of 169 different punishable offenses (some quite, including those shown here, gross) see F.W.H. Wasserschleben’s Beitraege zur Geschichte der vorgratianischen Kirchenrechtsquellen (Leipzig, 1839, page 88) and also Die Bussordnungen der abendlaendischen Kirche (Halle, 1851, page 387) by the same author (which also includes other versions of similar penitentials).

The manuscript itself is Merseburger Dombibliothek nr. 103 (from the 9th century).

Cap. 22: Si quis sacrilegium fecerit, id est quod aruspici vocant, qui auguria colunt, sive per aves aut quocunque malo ingenio augeraverit, III ann. cum pane e.a. poen.

Cap. 23: Si quis per ariolos, quos divinos vocant, aliquas divinationes fecerit, quia hoc daemonum [or daemonicum] est, V ann. poenit., III ex his in pane et aqua.

Cap. 26: Si quis sortes sanctorum, quas contra rationem vocant [or Si quis sortes, quas sanctorum contra rationem vocant], vel alias sortes habuerit, vel qualecunque alium malum ingenium sortitus fuerit vel veneraberit, III ann. poen.

Cap. 27: Si quis ad arbores vel ad fontes, vel ad cancellos, vel ubicunque, exceptum in ecclesia, votum voverit aut solverit, III annn. cum pane et aqua poeniteat, quia et hoc sacrilegium vel daemonium est; et qui ibidem ederit aut biberit, annum integrum cum pane et aqua poeniteat.

Cap. 32: Si quis, quod in Kalend. Januar. multi faciunt, quod adhuc de paganis residit, in cervolum [o cervolo], quod dicitur, aut in vecola [or vetula] vadit, III ann. poen., quia hoc daemonum [or daemonicum] est.

Cap. 34: Si quis mathematicus fuerit, i.e., per invocationem daemonum mentes hominum tulerit aut debacante [or debacchantes] fecerit, V ann. poen., III ex his i.p.e.a.

Cap. 36: Si quis ligaturam fecerit in herbas vel quolibet ingenio malo incantaverit et super Christianum ligaverit, scias eum fidem Dei amisisse, III ann. poen., I ex his i.p.e.a.

Cap. 48: Si qui simul edunt festivitates in locis abuminandis more gentium, III ann. poen. i.p.e.a.

Cap. 50: Si quis secundo et tertio idolis immolaverit per vim, III annn. poen., II sine oblatione communicet.

Cap. 74: Si quis sanguinem animalium manducaberit nesciens, aut morticinum aut idolis immolatum, IV menses poen., i.p.e.a., si autem scit, II ann. sine vino et carne.

Cap. 103: Si qua mulier semen viri sui in cibum miscens, aut inlicitas causas fecerit, ut inde plus ejus amore suscipiat, III ann. poen.

Cap. 108: Si quis [or aliquis] infans per ignorantiam gustaberit idolis immolatum aut morticinum, aut aliquid abhuminabile, III ebdom. poen.

Cap. 167: Si quis emissor tempestatum fuerit, VII ann. poen., III ex his i.p.e.a.

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December 26, 2022

Wiltzi vs the Huns & Goths – Osantrix & Dietrich of Bern – Part I

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In those days there erupted a quarrel between Dietrich’s two new friends: Etzel the king of the Huns and Osantrix the mighty king of the Wiltzi. The reason for this quarrel was as follows.

As Etzel searched year after year for a wife, [his advisors] suggested Helke the daughter of King Osantrix. He, therefore, sent ambsassadors to the king of the Wiltzi to plead his case. The proud Osantrix, however, refused the Hun the hand of his daughter and the envoys were forced to return having failed in their task.

Among the leaders of these envoys there was a young duke by the name Rodolf who had had the opportunity to see Osantrix’ both daughters: Helke the older one and the younger Bertha who was just fifteen. Since he grew particularly fond of the recently bloomed Bertha, he announced to Etzel that there could not be found on the whole Earth more beautfiul maidens as the two royal daughters.

So Etzel thought to try again and sent for Rüdiger the duke of Bechelaren [Rüdiger von Bechelaren or Rytygier?], who was considered as the smartest and most cunning man among all the heroes of the Huns and who, already as a young man, had come to know Osantrix  Etzle entrusted him with the task and ordered him to head out north once again and to have an honest talk with the king of the Wiltzi. “But if Osantrix should refuse this time as well” Etzel concluded his speech “you should not hide from him that he should then quickly prepare his kingdom for my army of Huns.”

Osantrix received his old friend Rüdiger graciously and hosted him with great honors for three days. But in the morning of the fourth day, Rüdiger wnet before the king’s throne and spoke thus: “Allow me, o’ king that I should fulfill my embassy from the land of the Huns. King Etzel, whose rule is greatly respected in all the lands, sends you greetings through me and wishes you and your kingdom God’s blessing. He is so inflamed with love for your daughter that he cannot be held back from her and for this reason asks through me once more for he hand. By reason of his great heroism, Etzel has become most famous among kings and it would certainly make sense to have him as a friend and son in law.”

“You choose your words well Rüdiger,” answered Osantrix, “and fulfills your master’s embassy well but it does not sit well with me that I should give my daughter to the king of the Huns who is of much lower birth than me, especially since I love my child more than all my kingdom and country. You are always welcome in my hall old friend but king Etzel should not hold out hope to become my son in law and my heir!”

“If you refuse the king of the Huns your daughter’s hand great lord,” replied Rüdiger darkly, “then you should expect that he will cause great harm to your lands. Thus, be prepared that he should move against your with his armies.”

“You are a brave man, Rüdiger,” said Osantrix laughing, “you faithfully fulfill the tasks that are given to you and you shall not come to harm from that. The king of the Huns may come when he pleases, we fear him not! He will soon come to feel that the men of the Wiltzi have sharp swords and use them often.”

As Rüdiger returned with this message, Etzel commanded to blast the war horn and quickly gathered his troops so as to avenge humiliation done unto him. Very shortly he had collected more than ten thousand men, with whom he went out, without tarrying, against Osantrix. With sword and pike he crossed the borderlands and ravaged and burned everywhere he came.

Given the unexpected swiftness of the assault, Osantrix was at first able to send only a small army against Etzel which army was led by king Aspilian who owed Osantrix allegiance. Yet with this host were Aspilian’s three giant brothers – Aventrod, Etgir and Widold – each of whom possessed the strength of fifty men. Trusting in his giants, Aspilian bravely faced the numerically superior Hun army. The giants bested many men – Widold alone killed three hundred – but eventually they were overcome by the great numbers and had to seek safety in flight. King Etzel had his men gave chase and most of the remnants of Aspilian’s army were destroyed – yet the three brothers escaped for they ran faster than even the nimble stallions of the Huns. They went to Osantrix and announced to him the approach of the victroious Huns. On hearing this, the king immediately raised all able-bodied men of his land and moved towards the enemy with more than fifteen thousand fighters. The three brothers went ahead of the host and, upon encountering the Huns, used their heavy iron rods to strike down all who stood in their way. Osantrix drove bravely forth and so it happened that as the day came to an end, Etzel had lost the battle and had to flee into the thicket of the nearby woods. Osantrix pursued him to the edge of the forest but did not think it wise to enter the dense woods in the middle of the dark night. So he ordered his tents erected close to the border of the forest in order to continue the chase in the morning.

Among Etzel’s warriors there was in the first row the bold duke Rodolf who had pleaded Etzel’s case for Helke and who spoke the language of the Wiltzi. It was he with three hundred of the best Hunnic riders who crept in the middle of the night to the edge of the forest and slew Osantrix’ watch. With that done, he stormed into the middle of Osantrix’ camp together with his Hun warriors, all armed to the teeth. Blowing loud horns and screaming wild cries he brought down all that came his way. The Wiltzi were taken by surprise and in their dismay were only slowly gathering themselves. And so it passed that Rodolf and his men were able to slay a thousand without losing a single man.

Thereupon Rodolf returned to Etzel in the woods and so through his boldness achieved that Osantrix and his confused army could not continue their pursuit of the Huns come next morning but rather had to first arrange themselves. And so Etzel could complete his escape untouched. But Rodolf did not accompany him. Rather with Etzel’s agreement he took his three hundred swords and surreptitiously followed the Wiltzi host. For he thought to try one more time to obtain Helke and to achieve that with cunning which force failed to bring about. And as he became aware that Osantrix turned back to his capital, he stopped in a great and thick forest and so spoke to his companions: “This wood is uninhabited and no human tracks are visible anywhere nearby. You can take a rest here and turn one of these rock heights into a watchtower in which you can wait until I return. I plan, for the benefit of our master, to make my way into Osantrix’ fortress under the guise of a traveling knight. But if when winter has passed and the spring comes to this country I had not yet returned then you should return home and bring news to King Etzel that I have found death in his service.”

He left them his rich clothes and almost all the gold and silver, put on an old soldier’s uniform and rode away without companions, his head hidden by the deep fallen rim of a hat. AS he came in the vicinity of the Wiltzi fortress, he combed his hair in the fashion of an old man and smeared his face with the juice of a certain root so that he had the appearance of a very old man.Bent deeply over his steed’s neck, he rode to the king’s hall and humbly asked permission to enter. As this was allowed, he walked at a slow pace to Osantrix’ throne and spoke so: “Grant me an audience, by your royal grace, o’ mighty lord!” Thereupon the king answered suspiciously: “You speak our language with a foreign accent, just like a Hun. Who are you and what do you desire here?” “I was born in the Hunlands,” answered Rodolf, “and was a respected man there like my father. I am called Sigurd and I have fled Etzel’s wrath. Since we refused to ride with him, he cursed out our entire clan: he had laid low with the sword both of my brothers and had the same fate prepared for me had I not fled his wrath. Though before I departed the Hunlands, I burned down five of King Etzel’s outposts and killed all the living there. I then came here for I knew that you hate the king of the Huns as much as I do.”

“You performed a good deed there,” replied Osantrix, “if this is so, I shall give you property in my country and will take you up among my companions.”

“I will gladly remain at your court,” said Rodolf, “if you grant me a house and a position and if your entourage should prove friendly towards me.” The king thought this was well spoken and took him in among his men. Rodolf spent the entire winter there under the name ‘Sigurd of the Hunlands’ and earned the king’s full trust. Yet his goal of seeing and speaking to the king’s daughters he did not achieve for the maidens were very carefully guarded in a tower and were and were never allowed to come down to the court.

At the beginning of spring, there arrived a king from Swabia by the name of Nordung who intended to lobby for the hand of Helke, the older of the daughters. Nordung was a mighty and brave king in the prime of his manhood and Osantrix was not averse to granting him Helke’s hand for therewith he could gain an ally against the treacherous Etzel. To the king – who did not wish to have anything to do with female matters – there seemed no one more suitable to bring up this matter with his daughter as the old Sigurd of the Hunlands – a man who had always proven himself extraordinarily polite and skillful. And so he spoke to Sigurd thusly: “You have earned the full trust of my heart, o’ Sigurd, for you have always shown yourself here to be a wise, virtuous man. Indeed, you have proven more faithful and more discrete than any other of my entourage. Thus, I have chosen you as an important messenger. You will go to the tower to my daughter Helke and you will investigate her heart to see whether she would be inclined to accept king Nordung’s request. I have selected you so that nothing should prematurely become known of this whole matter. Take heed that no one should learn of this affair!”

Sigurd was thrilled to have been selected for this task but he did not let on and asked the king rather to send another for, as he said, he garb and weaponry were not of the kind that would allow him to enter into the presence of a king’s daughter. Thereupon, Osantrix quickly gave him the most exquisite garments and weapons and thus endowed did Sigurd make his way towards the tower. When Helke heard that a messenger was coming to her sent by her father, she received him, surrounded by her female servants, exceptionally well  and spoke: “You must be a wise and a clever man if my father had sent you, a foreigner, to me; very well, tell us the message that the that the king gave you!” To this Sigurd answered: “The king, o’ noble maiden, had sent me with a matter that no one should know other than you and your sister Bertha. For this reason, I ask you should promise us your silence and come with me down there to the garden. Your servants can see us there talking but none will be able to hear us.”

On hearing this, to listen to Sigurd’s message, Helke asked her sister to take two cushions to the garden and walked down with Bertha and the messenger to a shady tree under which there stood a stone bench. After both maidens had been sworn to silence, Sigurd announced then Nordung’s purpose but, since he saw that Bertha did not seem pleased with this news, he stood up straight, tossed aside the hair that had been covering his brow and spoke with flashing eyes and trembling voice thusly: “Now can you finally learn the whole truth, beautiful ladies! Till now I have deceived men and women, deceived your father, deceived king Nordung and deceived the two of you. I am not Sigurd the Old but Rodolf the duke and emissary of king Etzel. Once already have I witnessed your great beauty and have reported that there is no one on man’s Earth that can be compared to you, whether in grace, in virtue or in charm. That is why he had sent me once more to you, Helke and I have pledged my life to win both of you for you should know that I am enflamed with love for your sister Bertha and I will either have her or perish. Bertha grew red as she heard this confession but Helke was pale in surprise and anger. “Do you hear what this traitor says, sister?” she cried out, “he is notSigurd but Rodolf, Etzel’s man who had previously slain five hundred of our greatest heroes and who now wants to deceive our father and us. Hurry up and call our father, so that he should take this fabulist prisoner and have him hanged from the highest tower of the castle!”

“Before this should pass and you have broken your promise to me,” cried Rodolf with a threatening voice and grasping his sword, “you will die both with me. So think this over well high queens and do not refuse me an agreement to take to Etzel. You do not need to sit forever in a lonely tower for he will give you all that you could want: beautiful, great palaces, many virtuous knights and high-born ladies in waiting. Dukes will carry your clothes so that you will become the first Queen of the world.”

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March 3, 2022

Slavish Slavic Slackademics

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An interesting aspect of the discussion about the veracity of the depiction of Polish Gods as relayed by Długosz is the pathetic timidity of the Polish academic response to the abuses perpetrated on the “Polish Pantheon” by the confabulist in chief, Aleksander Brückner. Łowmiański, Gieysztor and many others have been caught up in a slavish, Stockholm syndrome-like trance by the vehemence of Brückner’s attacks on the idea of Polish paganism flourishing into the 15th century to such an extent that, even when they dared to deviate from Brückner on other topics, they were rendered incapable of independent thought when it came to discussing Polish Gods. Whether because of intellectual laziness, for lack of cojones or as a result of some combination of both, they did not deviate from the party line set by the cantakerous German curmudgeon more than a century ago.

This is particularly shameful given that Brückner’s arguments fail so transparently that it is difficult not to suspect ill will on the part of the Berlin professor. His primary argument was that there could be no paganism that survived into the 15th century. Why? Because the Church did such a good job quashing them for 500 years.

Yet, pagan customs is precisely what church leaders describe in plentiful writings of the period. Brückner says that the clergy had no idea what they were describing and only erroneously believed that what they were seeing were pagan practices as opposed to, as Brückner would have it, mere marriage rites. (As an aside, apparently, Brückner was asleep when God was invoked during his own wedding, as per standard Christian recitations).  In other words, Brückner from his 20th century Berlin academic perch was better able to understand 15th century Polish peasant customs than all the 15th century Polish parish priests combined. At least according to Brückner.

But if Catholic clergy was so stupid as to misunderstand common Slavic words as names of deities, how could such clergy been able to crush pagan worship prior to such time? Were they just uniquely incompetent in the 15th century? Neurotoxins in the Holy Water or the wafers?

And, if they were competent in crushing idolatry (just overzealous in seeing idolatry everywhere) then why did they still fail to crush Polish idolatry right then and there? After all, had Brückner read Kolberg’s ethnographic studies of the 19th century he would have found appellations of Łado, Łado. He also would have noticed that, by far, the most common protagonist of peasant songs in Poland at that time was Jasień. There you have your Yassa and Lado. And that is half a millenium after the 15th century sermons. In other words, if Poland was converted to Christianity in 966 then even more time passed since the aforementioned 15th century priestly remonstrations against worshipping “idols” to Brückner’s and Kolberg’s time as had passed from such alleged conversion to the 15th century.

The truth is that the Church organization in Poland was not strong enough to even begin to root out paganism until the Polish state afforded the Church some stability. And the state could not afford stability for the Church until the state itself became stable. That, in turn, did not begin in earnest until the 14th century. In other words, it is entirely possible that the Church was neither able to convert nor even interested in converting the peasant masses to its faith until such time. And, as noted above, even afterwards the songs, refrains, midsummer night dances and fires continued well into the 19th, 20th and, in places, even to this day.

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February 3, 2022

Crónica Albeldense

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Here is a short mention of the Suavs in the Asturian Crónica Albeldense.

64. Eraclius rg. an. XXXVI. Sclaui Greciam Romanis tulerunt, Persi Siriam et Egyptum. In Spania quoque Sisebutus Gotorum rex quasdam eiusdem Romane militie urbes cepit et ludeos regni sui subditos ad Xpi fidem conuertit. Eclesiam quoque sancte Leocadie Toleto mire fundabit. Post quem Suintila princeps ceptum regnum Romanis peregit celerique uictoria totius Spanie monarciam obtinuit. Reges quoque Gotorum a Suintilane usque Cintilane eo imperante fuerunt.

Sclaui Greciam Romanis tulerunt, Persi Siriam et Egyptum translates roughly as: “The Suavs handed Greece over to the Romans and the Persians [handed over] Syria and Egypt.”

The “Romans” are, of course, Byzantines and this refers to the events during the reign of Heraclius (610-641). The Suavs in question are likely Serbs though maybe also Croats. Both (or at least their rulers) were converted to Christianity during the reign of Heraclius.

The oldest preserved copy is in the Códice Vigilano or Albeldense aka Escorialensis d I 2 from the 9th/10th century and contains, in addition to the first known Arabic numerals written in the West, a bunch of cool pictures. However, that one was not available so the above pictures are from a few others.

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January 3, 2022

On Raunonia

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We discussed Pliny the Elder and his Veneti a few years ago here. But there was a section that preceded the text cited that we did not mention as it, seemingly, did not have anything to do with the Veneti. On closer examination, however, perhaps it is worth bringing it up:

“We must now leave the Euxine to describe the outer portions of Europe. After passing the Riphæan mountains we have now to follow the shores of the Northern Ocean on the left, until we arrive at Gades. In this direction a great number of islands are said to exist that have no name; among which there is one which lies opposite to Scythia, mentioned under the name of Raunonia, and said to be at a distance of the day’s sail from the mainland; and upon which, according to Timæus, amber is thrown up by the waves in the spring season. As to the remaining parts of these shores, they are only known from reports of doubtful authority. With reference to the Septentrional or Northern Ocean; Hecatæus calls it, after we have passed the mouth of the river Parapanisus, where it washes the Scythian shores, the Amalchian sea, the word ‘Amalchian’ signifying in the language of these races, frozen. Philemon again says that it is called Morimarusa or the “Dead Sea” by the Cimbri, as far as the Promontory of Rubeas, beyond which it has the name of the Cronian Sea. Xenophon of Lampsacus tells us that at a distance of three days’ sail from the shores of Scythia, there is an island of immense size called Baltia, which by Pytheas is called Basilia. Some islands called Oönæ are said to be here, the inhabitants of which live on the eggs of birds and oats; and others again upon which human beings are produced with the feet of horses, thence called Hippopodes. Some other islands are also mentioned as those of the Panotii, the people of which have ears of such extraordinary size as to cover the rest of the body, which is otherwise left naked.”

(translation after John Bostock & H.T. Riley (1855) from http://www.perseus.tufts.edu)

Now Baltia is likely the name responsible for the Visigothic dynasty of the Balti and perhaps also for the Baltic Sea. The Cronian Sea is likely the sea around Kurland. The Baltic itself may well be referred to as the Dead Sea by the Cimbri. Which brings us to Raunonia. This island, associated with amber by Pliny, brings to mind Rana or the Suavic name for the island of Rügen whose Suavic occupants were called the Rani and where the temple of Svantovit once stood. Raunonia lies opposite of Scythia, where there is amber and Pliny mentions it immediately before describing what appears to be the rest of the Baltic Sea heading East.

Also noteworthy are Pliny’s Riphaean Mountains which run West-East here with what is described regarding the Baltic coming after one passes over these mountains. This suggests the Sudetes perhaps together with the Carpathians. Strangely, the first Czechs are said to have settled on Mount Říp which is just south of the Sudetes. Now Rügen is not a day’s sail from the mainland – it’s considerably closer – still, this seems a small objection given all the other factors.

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December 26, 2021

Jecha, Nohra, Kraja

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To the east of Sondershausen in Thuringia lies the village of Jecha. We discussed it here (as well elsewhere occasionally) very briefly. On the other, western, side of Sondershausen we find the Jechaburg. The recorded names of the place are:

  • Gigenberg 1128
  • Jechaburg 1148, 1196
  • Gechenburg 1197

Other names may have included Gigeburg, Jechaborg  (12th century), and Jecheburg as well as Jichaborg, Jechaborg, Gicheburg and Jechaburc in the 13th century. In 1360 the name appears as Jhecheburgk.

Legend has it that the name is of a pagan goddess that the ancient locals, presumably Thuringians, worshipped here. Why goddess? Well, maybe because the Jechaburg is at the foot of the Frauenberg mountain.

Based on a reading of Widukind as well as Annalista Saxo, it has been conjectured that it was here that the Hungarians were beaten by Henry I in the year 933 and 934.

Curiously, Jecha could have a Hungarian connection. Gyeücsa or Gyeusa was a Hungarian prince who, however, was born around 940, that is after these events.

Are there any Suavic names nearby?

Well, there is Trebra to the South, Nohra to the NW and, if you keep going West, there is Kraja. You would think Kraja at least should be Suavic. But if Trebra and Nohra are too then what about Bebra or Nebra (of the Sky Disk)? This seems tenuous. And yet Kraja?

On older maps, like this  one you can see Poelede which, however, is, probably not Suavic, to the West. If you move east you come, some ways off, across Kolleda (today’s Kölleda) and then Burchwenden. Still, this is very little. Only when you cross the Unstrut you get Mart Roelicz, Ochnicz (today’s Oechlitz?), Schletta and, of course, Cracou.

Other Suavic towns appear here as well: Zscheiplitz, Gleina, Nissmitz, etc. If you go further South, Suavic names project further West (as far as the area of Erfurt) but at this latitude, this is likely it. So, is it possible that this Jechelburg and Jecha are Suavic? Sure but given the distances to Suavic settlements we can say possible but not very certain.

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November 26, 2021

Yāqūt on the Rus Religion

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Yāqūt Shihāb al-Dīn ibn-‘Abdullāh al-Rūmī al-Hamawī (1179–1229) was a Greek (al-Rumi) born in Constantinople captured by the Muslims, made a slave but then freed.

His most famous work is the “Dictionary of Countries” (Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān), compiled between 1224 and 1228. It is in that work that he briefly mentions the Rus religion – notably distinguishing the Rus from Suavs. It is that passage that made it into Meyer’s compendium and it is for that reason that we include it here:

“The Rus are one of the peoples who border the Suavs and the Turks. They have their own language and a religion (din) and a law based on religion which is different from everyone else’s… These days, as is well known, they belong to the Christian religion.”

Note that Yāqūt’s work contains other entries on Suavs themselves but not on their religion.

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October 8, 2021

al-Istakhri on the Suavs

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Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Muhammad al-Farisi al-Istakhri (? – 957) (the translation and notes come from Tarek Kahlaoui’s 2018 “Creating the Mediterranean: Maps and the Islamic Imagination”) mentions the Suavs as follows in his “Routes of the Realms” (Masālik al-Mamālik):

“As for those living in the eastern part [meaning southeast] of the Mediterranean (Bakr al-Rum) along the coast, they have brk [skin] (ta’luhum sumra), and they become darker the farther they are located to the east or to the south until they reach the territories of Sudan (sub-Saharan Africa), where the darkest of nations [lives]. As for those living in the wester part [meaning northwest] of the Mediterranean from Muslim Spain (al-Andalus) they have white [skin] and blue [eyes] (biz zurq), and the farther they are located to the west or to the north they become whiter throughout all the territories of the Run, up to those beyod the land of the Suavs (al-Saqaliba); the farther [east they live,] their [skin] becomes whiter, their [eyes] bluer, and their hair redder.”

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September 26, 2021

The Suavs of Genesios

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“Genesios” (Γενέσιος) or Joseph Genesius’s “On the Lives of the Emperors” was written about 915-930 survives in a single manuscript of the eleventh century. (A fourteenth-century reader added the presumed author’s name (“Genesios”) in the margin).

Here is an excerpt from the Anthony Kaldellis translation that mentions Suavs (Canberra 1998, from the Australian Association for Byzantine Studies). The work also contains references to Thomas the Suav and Bulgarians but we omit those in this mention.

For extensive discussions of the manuscript, see H Wäschke, ‘Genesios,’ pp. 256-263 in Philologus, and the introduction to the Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae XIV (CFHB) edition of the text by Anni Lesmuller-Werner and I. Thurn; pp. ix, xxii-xxvi Iosephi Genesii regnum libri quattuor.




Book 2: Michael II (820-829)
“2. It is said that when Thomas heard of Michael’s elevation to the throne he quickly contrived to revolt against him with a large army. For the two men had always been opposed to each other, and Michael was hated by the entire army of the Anatolians, and was equally unpopular on account of his native town, in which, as it seems, a great number of Athinganoi dwelt, because of the defect in his speech, and because he was not considered by some to be a brave enough man. Thomas, on the other hand, was loved by all for his courage, and no less for his cheerful disposition and affability. He rivaled Leo in all noble qualities, even though he had Scythian ancestry and was in addition an old man, and had a lame leg. He now seized all the tax-collectors, laid claim in writing to the regular exactions, and by distributing them to the people he assembled a large force to use against Michael. None of those who originated in the east, or in the west itself, failed to support him, neither did foreign nations that had come to dwell in the Empire, nor its own natives, nor its neighbors, nor any slaves that hated their masters, nor entire nations, nor all those who rushed to him at various times and followed him, some fighting by land and some by sea. He seemed to be a new Xerxes, although one of the same faith, and therefore all the themes hurried to ally themselves with him along with their Strategoi. Only Olbianos, the Strategos of the Armeniakon theme, kept his troops in line by his shrewdness, and also Katakylas, the Strategos of the Opsikion theme, and they both remained loyal to Michael.  Thomas’ army, then, which had turned against its countrymen, grew so much that the Saracens seized the opportunity to freely plunder all the islands and lands, and would have conquered them utterly, even though afterwards numerous reports circulated among them which made Thomas seem invincible. Hence he attempted to negotiate with them in the following way. He cunningly enticed them, suggesting that he would be satisfied with whatever they desired, as they greatly feared his large force. He therefore sent an embassy to them seeking peace, which was in reality an alliance whose purpose was to overthrow the Emperor. Having thus made a treaty with the Agarenoi, with the concurrence of their leader he was crowned Emperor by the Patriarch Job of Antioch. He assembled his famous army, which was composed of Agarenoi, Indians, Egyptians, Assyrians, Medes, Abasians, Zichians, Iberians, Kabeirians, Slavs, Huns, Vandals, Getai, and all those who had partaken of the abomination of Mani as well as Lazoi, Alans, Chaldians, Armenians, and other peoples of all sorts, and he took control of the entire east. Finally he marched to Thrace and tried to take Byzantium by force by laying siege to it, placing his hopes in his heavy cavalry, infantry rock-throwers, slingers, and countless peltasts. In addition he possessed not a few siege engines. He attacked the land walls with them many times, but was always repelled without having made any gains. The Emperor’s son Theophilos resisted his attacks and fought hard against him, but his father Michael would often sally forth and engage in hand-to-hand combat himself. Not knowing what to do, Thomas resorted to naval attacks, as he had amassed a large squadron of ships, but here he likewise met with failure, for his ships were consumed by ‘Military Fire.’ Knowledge of this weapon had almost disappeared before these events, but at this time it was discovered in the following way. A certain knowledgeable Egyptian named Kallinikos was the only man who possessed its secret. Outspokenly presenting himself to the Emperor, he said that, if the Emperor so desired, he would fight on his side against Thomas at sea. He then prepared the substance and distributed it to the admirals.”

Book 4: Basil I (867-886)

“26…The two now closed in on each other. The other atempted to lift Basil off the ground, but he could not counter Basil’s resistance and it was he who was lifted up, though bravely, and swirled around very quickly. He was thrown to the ground,”by a podrezian embrace,”* as the locals say, and was so unmistakably defeated that everyone was highly entertained. But after a while they managed to revive him by pouring buckets of water on him. Antigonos returned with his own men to the Caesar and told him everything that had hapened. Eventually the Emperor Michael heard the story and summoned Basil and two others of the same age. When he saw them, he was pleased with their countenance and praised their stature, but he marveled at Basil much more than at the other two. He gave him various honors and promised him many more. For God advances those who He knows will rule and endows them with the symbols of Empire…” 

* Kaldellis’ note: “From pod and rezati – to ‘undercut.” (that is podrzezać)

“30. …He considered a man named Andreas, who was intelligent and who sought experience and the opportunity to prove his bravery, even though he kept his qualities a secret, as the course of events would prove (he came from the Scythian lands of the west). Basil appointed him second in command of the Opsikion theme. Andreas** managed his forces expertly, attacked the enemy, and won a great victory, which decreased their arrogance for the meantime. Because of this victory and his many other acts of bravery, he was made a Patrikios and given the comand of the Scholai. And since he continued to campaign against the enemy, and won many victories, he was later appointed to be Magistros.”

* Kaldellis’ note: “For the career of Andreas, who was probably of Suavic descent, see ‘Patrices des regnes de Basile ler et de LeonVI,’ pages 300-301. The events described in this section occurred late in 878 (the year Syracuse fell); the victory was won at Podandos in Cilicia, and the enemy was the emir of Tarsos… B. Blysidou dates his elevation to Magistros to 886.”

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September 24, 2021

Ibn Hawqal’s Description of Palermo & Why You Should Not Eat Raw Onions

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Although we showcased the more famous Suavic passage by Arab writers, there are other works that mention Suavs that are less known. Thus, while we have previously discussed Ibn Hawqal (see here), a lesser known passage from this same writer also mentions Suavs on Sicily. The following translation comes from the William Granara translation (from 1983). The underlying edition is that of Michele Amari (Lipsia: F.A. Brockhaus, 1857). For the rest of Ibn Hawqal, Granara directs his readers to M.J. deGoeje’s edition in Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum (Leiden: Brill, 1973).

Note that some of these passages by Ibn Hawqal are repeated in the 13th century by Yāqūt in his “Dictionary of Countries”.

For other evidence of Suavs in Sicily see also Michele Amari’s Storia di musulmani di Sicilia, volume 2 (of the 1935 edition) which mentions a Suav military unit (or slave?) created by the Arabs which was successfully employed in the Arab-Byzantine conflicts as well as, in the year 939, a village of apparently Suavic origin (“Sclafani”). Note that there are other place names in Sicily that indicate Suavic origin.

Incidentally, Amari, hypothesizes that the origin of the Suav district in Palermo dates back to a raid in 928/929 by Suavic pirates from the Adriatic coast who were led by Sârib as-Saqlabi – presumably a Serb – and who, in league with Arabs, raided Calabria, Sardinia and Corsica. Amari’s source for this idea, however, is the later 14th century writer, Abulfeda (Abū al-Fidāʾ).

Be that as it may, it is clear that Suavic settlement on Sicily predated that incident. For earlier evidence of Suavs in Sicily in the 8th or maybe even 7th century see here (discussing Suavs in “The Life of Saint Pancratius of Taormina”).

On Suavs on the relatively nearby Malta in the 11th century see here (referencing claims made by the later chronicle al-Himyari).

The Suavic Quarter/District name later disappears and, according to Lewicki, is replaced by the name Seralcadi or Seralcadio (from the Arabic – sari-al-qadì – for the Street of the Judge). Today the area is referred to as Mount of Piety (Monte di Pietà).

The area in question

Note Sicily had been taken by the Muslims in 902 who would hold the island until the Norman conquest of the 11th century.


“Sicily is an island seven days long (walking distance) by four days. Much off it is mountainous and full of castles and fortresses. Most of the land is inhabited and cultivated. It has no city as popular nor as famous as that known as Palermo (Balarm), the capital of the island. Palermo is a seaport city in the North.

Palermo consists of five quarters, each one close to the others, but situated in such a way that the borders of each are clearly defined. The largest quarter is itself called Palermo. It is enclosed by a high defensive stone wall and inhabited by merchants. It houses the Friday mosque which was, at one time, a Christian church. The mosque has a huge sanctuary. I heard certain logicians say that  the Greek philosopher Aristotle is buried in a wooden box suspended in the sanctuary. The Christians used to venerate him and pray to him for rain. They preserved the traditions of Classical Greece which he ahd handed down to them from his forefathers. It was said that the reason for suspending the body mid-air was so that the people could go and see it there in order to pray for rain or seek cures for all sorts of calamities that befell them, be they natural disasters, death or civil strife. I myself saw a great big box which suggests that the tomb may actually be there.

The quarter of the city known as al-Khalisa* has a wooden wall which is not like the stone wall that surrounds the Old City (Palermo). The sultan and his entourage inhabit this quarter. It has neither markets nor inns. It does have public baths as well as a small but frequently attended Friday mosque. The quarter also houses the sultan’s prison, the naval arsenal and the administration offices. It has four gates facing south and west. On these sides, south and west, is the ocean. Also, there is a wall there that has no gate.

[*note: compare with Calisia :-)]

The Slav Quarter (Harat al-Saqaliba) is more populous and grander than the two mentioned above. It contains the port as well. It also has springs that run through it as well as through the Old City. These springs serve as the only border between the two quarters.

The so-called Quarter of the Mosque, also referred to as Ibn Saqlab, is also large, but does not have running water. Its residents get their drinking water from wells.

Outside of the city to the south is a great big valley, known as Wadi cAbbas, full of mills, but unsuitable for orchards and gardens.

The New Quarter (al-Hara al-Jadida) is a large section of the city, located close to the Quarter of the Mosque. There is no border nor divided between the two. Nor does it have a wall adjacent to the Slav Quarter.

The vast majority of the markets are situated between Ibn Saqlab Mosque and the New Quarter. There are, for example, markets for the oil merchants, money changers and pharmacists, all of which are located outside the city wall There are also cobblers armourers and coppersmiths. Finally, there are grain markets and markets for other types of crafts as well.

Inside the (Old) city, however, are over one hundred and fifty butcher shops. The other quarters, on the other hand, have only a few of these. Such a quantity is indicative of their value. The mosque there is so large that when I counted the people when it was completely full, I found over seven thousand. There were more than thirty-six rows at prayer time, each row counting almost two hundred people. The mosques of the Old City, of al-Khalisa and of the other quarters surrounding the city from beyond the wall, number more than three hundred, most of them built with roofs, walls and gates. Those on the island most knowledgeable and best informed agree on this number.

Outside the city, in areas that border it directly as well as those that are adjacent to its gardens and towers, are the closely connected inns (mahall). The one closest to Wadi cAbbas is near a place called The Barracks (al-Mucaskar), which actually extends from the countryside to Wadi-cAbbas. Some of these inns stand one after the other until they reach an area known as al-Bayda. This is a village which overlooks the city at a distance of about six kilometers. It had been destroyed and its inhabitants perished in a series of civil wars which plagued the country.

No one would deny the importance of these small towns since there are over two hundred mosques there alone. Personally, I have never seen such a number in any one of the major cities, even those twice as large as Palermo. In fact, I have not heard anything like it except what they say about Cordova. I have not been able to verify that. I am inclined to doubt it. I am quite sure about Sicily, however, since I have seen most of them with my own eyes.

One day I was standing beside the house of Abu Muhammad al-Qafsi, the lawyer, a specialist in contracts. Looking out from his mosque at a distance of a shot of an arrow, I noticed about ten mosques, some of them facing each other, often separated by a road, Inquiring as to the excessive number of them, I was told that the people are extremely proud, each wanting his own private mosque to share with only his family and his small inner circle.  Among them were two brothers who lived next door to each other, and whose walls were adjacent. Each one built his own mosque so that he could pray there in private.

Among these ten mosques which I mentioned is a mosque there Abu Muhammad al-Qafsi prays. Next to it at about twenty paces is a mosque which he built for his son so that he could study law in it. Each one wants it to be said that this is so-and-so’s mosque and no one else’s. This son of his thought himself something special. He admired himself and was so arrogant that he acted like the father instead of the son.

There are quite a few ribat on the coastline, full of freeloaders, scoundrels and renegades, both old and young, poor and ignorant. These people would pretend to perform their prostrations, standing in order to teal money given to charity, or to defame honorable women. Most of them were pimpts and perverts. They sought refuge there because they were incapable of doing anything else, and because they had no place to go. They were low-life and rabble…

The city is oblong shaped and has a market which cuts across it from east to west. This market is called al-Samat and is paved with stone. It houses all sorts of merchants, from one side to the other.

Palermo sits on many springs, from east to west, each one able to power two mills. From their sources to their mouths these waters fertilize much land. There one finds Persian sugar cane and succulent vegetable gardens. Throughout the land one also finds lots on which papyrus is grown, This is used for making paper. I do not know if Egyptian papyrus has an equivalent on the face of the earth with the exception of that in Sicily. Much of it is twisted into rope which is then used for ships. Some of it is used, as stated, for paper for the use of the sultan, depending upon the amount available…

Most of the water of the city quarters and the towns comes from wells. It is rather thick and unhealthy. They drink it for lack of fresh water. The crudeness of their manners and the dullness of their senses come from their excess in eating raw onions. There is no one among them, rich nor poor, who does not eat them day in and day out. This is what has thwarted their imaginations, impaired their minds, numbed their senses, altered their thinking, clouded their understanding and even ruined their facial features. It has, in fact, changed their dispositions so much that they do not always see things as they actually are.

There are more than three hundred teachers who educate the young. They see themselves as the most honorable and noble of people, God’s chosen people, His loyal servants. This is contrary to what is known of teachers, that is, their inferior intellects and dim-wittedness. For they have come to their professions escaping the duty of jihad, shirking from battle.

I have written a book with a full account of them.”


Although names are frequently recycled, and a connection between the Shekelesh of the Sea Peoples fame and the Siculi of Sicily is possible, it is worth noting for the overly ambitious that it would take a lot more to establish a connection with the Sclavi. The existence of today’s Modica (earlier Μότουκα, Mótouka, Mutyca or Motyca) certainly won’t be sufficient. That “Trojans” and others migrated to Sicily is, of course, possible though here some Germanic researchers might also claim the heritage as with, for example, Segesta on the other side of the island.

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September 16, 2021