In our blog on Pomeranian Gods we cited the following text relating to the city of Wolin which comes, of course, from the Life of Otto the Bishop of Pomerania:
“Meanwhile Bernhard, the servant of God, inflamed with the desire of martyrdom, seized an axe and attempted to cut down an immense column which was dedicated to Julius Caesar, from whom the city of Julin took its name.”
Wolin or Julin
We will return to Otto and his second tour of Pomerania later but, for now, as a preview we note that this motif continues in the second tour (Book III actually) as well, where the following description is included:
“Julin, which had been founded by Julius Caesar and called after him, and in which his spear was kept, fixed on a column of great size in order to preserve his memory, was accustomed to hold a festival in honour of a certain idol at the beginning of the year, which was accompanied by dancing.”
The shockingly pagan sight that revealed itself to Christians entering Julin
[The Pruefling monk’s version of the Life of Otto also states that Otto offered fifty talents of silver for this lance in order to prevent the inhabitants from continuing to worship it]
The Greater Poland Chronicles (GPCs) mention a background tale when discussing the legendary Lestko III (he came, as per the GPCs, after Lech, Krak and, of course, Lestko I and Lestko II):
“During the times of this Lestko [III], Julius Caesar when trying to bring the lands of the Slavs [Suavs?] under the Roman yoke, also invaded the lands of the Lechites. The aforementioned Lestko, three times resisted him [Caesar] together with the bravest of the Lechites and in the three battles with the same wrought great slaughter among the armies of Julius Caesar. He also defatted in battle the tyrant Crassus who led the Parthians and commanded that molten gold be poured into his mouth saying “You were thirsty for gold, and gold you shall drink.” Julius Caesar while staying the area of Slavonia [Suavia?] connected this Lestko by marriage with his own sister Julia, giving him in dowry Bavaria. This Julia, commanded by her husband had two mighty burgs [grads/grods/gorody] built – and one of them was named after her brother – that is Julius – now it is called Lubusz while the second she named Julin – which now is called Wolin.”
This story draws on many earlier references (e.g., Appian’s Illyrica where the Parthians are to have defeated Ceasar three times and also from Cicero’s Epistolae familiars) and contains (very skimpy) pieces of truth (e.g., Crassus had been Ceasar’s ally but was killed by the Persians – in some stories – using molten gold – rather than being a Parthian general).
A similar tale regarding Ceasar was told by Master Vincent Kadlubek (though here Lublin stands in the place of Wolin) who wrote that Lestek III/Leszek III was the ruler of the Getae (or Goths?) and the Parthians and then defeated Crassus and Julius Ceasar in three battles and that:
“Finally, Julius, desiring an alliance of blood [with Lech III], married his own sister Julia off to him. She received as dowry from her brother [i.e.,. Ceasar] Bavaria and, as a wedding gift from her husband the province of Serbia [presumably of the Sorbs]. She founded two cities, one she commanded to be called – from her brother’s name – Julius, (now Lubusz) and one from her own name – Julia, now it is called Lublin.”
What to Make of This
We will return to Wolin/Julin and to to Otto later. But, in the meantime what do we make of the above?
It is important to note that tales of towns being founded by Julius Caesar were quite common in Germany and in Britain. It was a way for the locals to get themselves a connection to the ancient past for who, after all, would not feel ennobled by the notion of living in a city founded by Caesar himself!? No doubt Kadlubek who travelled throughout Europe was aware of these stories. Perhaps the writers of the GPCs were too or they simply copied Kadlubek’s ideas (the two texts, as can readily be seen above, are quite similar).
Be that as it may, the question remains how one ought to explain the report of the strange cult in the town of Julin? Was the town actually known as Julin and the writers of the Life of Otto simply assumed that the town and hence too the “immense” column with the spear on the top (as per Book III) had to be connected to Caesar somehow? Columns themselves were quite familiar a site in Magna Germania – e.g., the famous Irminsaeule of the Saxons that the Franks eventually brought down. And, of course, there are reports of columns and statues from the Polabian Slavs themselves. Certainly Caesar never journeyed far into Germania.
Blast From the Past
Or rather Julius Caesar did not.
But there was a caesar who travelled quite far into the lands of the barbarians. We would not have known about this sojourn but for a single manuscript that was discovered in the early 16th century at the Murbach Abbey in Alsace. The manuscript was in poor shape and, worse yet, it is now considered lost.
Thankfully, it was lost only after it was printed in 1520. We refer, of course, to the work of Marcus Velleius Paterculus (circa 19 BC – circa AD 31). Paterculus wrote his Historiae to cover most of then known history but completed it with the death of Octavian Augustus. His History thus covers some of the most far out expeditions of the Romans against the Germani.
In particular, Velleius describes an expedition undertaken by Tiberius – the soon to be caesar – an expedition that reached far into Germany, past the river Lippe and, apparently, got as far as the Elbe/Laba.
This is the same Tiberius who earlier (15 BC-13 BC), as we know, together with his younger brother Drusus (who later fell of his horse west of the fraenkische Saale and was the father of Germanicus and the grandfather of Caligula), led the war against the Vindelici on Lake Constance, i.e., Lake Veneticus)]. After that campaign, Tiberius was sent to Pannonia (12 BC – 9 BC) and then was in Germany where, about 9 BC, he ordered over 40,000 Suevi and Sugambri moved to the left bank of the Rhein. About 6 BC Tiberius retired to Rhodes apparently as a result of a falling out with Augustus and of marital difficulties. Tiberius lived there for about 10 years only to return to duty in 4 AD.
It was then that Tiberius led a Roman army into Germany. It was also then that his four Roman legions actually spent the winter in enemy territory (at Lippe). They then pushed forwards towards the Elbe and defeated the Langobards and others with the help of a Roman fleet that apparently sailed up the Elbe to a rendezvous point with Tiberius. He pushed up the river to receive the ambassadors of the Hermunduri and of the Semnones. It seemed that all of Germania had finally been conquered by Rome. He was about to finish off the last remaining local power, i.e., that of Marobodus when a rebellion broke out in Pannonia which took Tiberius away from Germania between 6 AD – 9 AD. During that time it took fifteen legions to crush the “Pannonians” (whoever they were). As soon as that was done, news came of the defeat of Varus by a new German contingent under Arminius and Tiberius was needed in the West once more.
Roman winter camp somewhere deep in Germania
When the Gods finally called him to the highest office in the land, Tiberius was already 56 years old. He became emperor upon Augustus’ death in AD 14. However, then managed to reign for another 23 years before being succeeded by Caligula, Claudius and then Nero. Tiberius even outlived the much younger Velleius. [It was during Caesar Tiberius’ reign that a certain preacher from Bethlehem was (amongst others) crucified in Roman Palestine].
So to get back to Velleius Paterculus.
Importantly, unlike many of the other annalists and historiographers, Velleius actually served in the Roman army. He was in Greece and Thrace and Asia. He then served with Tiberius himself in Germany and in Pannonia between AD 4 and AD 12. Thus, some of his reports including the one in question are eyewitness accounts.
So without further ado, here is Velleius Paterculus:
Velleius Paterculus’ History
“104 On the same day Marcus Agrippa, to whom Julia had given birth after the death of Agrippa, was also adopted by Augustus; but, in the case of Nero, an addition was made to the formula of adoption in Caesar’s own words: ‘This I do for reasons of state.’ His country did not long detain at Rome the champion and the guardian of her empire, but forthwith dispatched him to Germany, where, three years before, an extensive war had broken out in the governorship of that illustrious man, Marcus Vinicius, your grandfather. Vinicius had carried on this war with success in some quarters, and in others had made a successful defence, and on this account there had been decreed to him the ornaments of a triumph with an honorary inscription recording his deeds.”
“It was at this time that I became a soldier in the camp of Tiberius Caesar, after having previously filled the duties of the tribunate. For, immediately after the adoption of Tiberius, I was sent with him to Germany as prefect of the cavalry. Succeeding my father in that position, and for nine continuous years as prefect of cavalry or as commander of a legion I was a spectator of his superhuman achievements, and further assisted in them to the extent of my modest ability. I do not think that mortal man will be permitted to behold again a sight like that which I enjoyed, when, throughout the most populous parts of Italy and the full extent of the provinces of Gaul, the people as they beheld once more their old commander, who by virtue of his services had long been a Caesar before he was such in name, congratulated themselves in even heartier terms than they congratulated him. Indeed, words cannot express the feelings of the soldiers at their meeting, and perhaps my account will scarcely be believed — the tears which sprang to their eyes in their joy at the sight of him, their eagerness, their strange transports in saluting him, their longing to touch his hand, and their inability to restrain such cries as “Is it really you that we see, commander?” “Have we received you safely back among us?” “I served with you, general, in Armenia!” “And I in Raetia!” “I received my decoration from you in Vindelicia!” “And I mine in Pannonia!” “And I in Germany!””
“105 He at once entered Germany. The Canninefates, the Attuarii, and Bructeri were subdued, the Cherusci (Arminius, a member of this race, was soon to become famous for the disaster inflicted upon us) were again subjugated, the Weser crossed, and the regions beyond it penetrated. Caesar claimed for himself every part of the war that was difficult or dangerous, placing Sentius Saturninus, who had already served as legate under his father in Germany, in charge of expeditions of a less dangerous character: a man many-sided in his virtues, a man of energy and action, and of foresight, alike able to endure the duties of a soldier as he was well trained in them, but who, likewise, when his labours left room for leisure, made a liberal and elegant use of it, but with this reservation, that one would call him sumptuous and jovial rather than extravagant or indolent. About the distinguished ability of this illustrious man and his famous consulship I have already spoken. The prolonging of the campaign of that year into the month of December increased the benefits derived from the great victory. Caesar was drawn to the city by his filial affection, though the Alps were almost blocked by winter’s snows; but the defence of the empire brought him at the beginning of spring back to Germany, where he had on his departure pitched his winter camp at the source of the river Lippe, in the very heart of the country, the first Roman to winter there.”
There was no stopping them this time
“106 Ye Heavens, how large a volume could be filled with the tale of our achievements in the following summer under the generalship of Tiberius Caesar! All Germany was traversed by our armies, races were conquered hitherto almost unknown, even by name; and the tribes of the Cauchi were again subjugated. All the flower of their youth, infinite in number though they were, huge of stature and protected by the ground they held, surrendered their arms, and, flanked by a gleaming line of our soldiers, fell with their generals upon their knees before the tribunal of the commander. The power of the Langobardi was broken, a race surpassing even the Germans in savagery; and finally — and this is something which had never before been entertained even as a hope, much less actually attempted — a Roman army with its standards was led four hundred miles beyond the Rhine as far as the river Elbe, which flows past the territories of the Semnones and the Hermunduri. And with this wonderful combination of careful planning and good fortune on the part of the general, and a close watch upon the seasons, the fleet which had skirted the windings of the sea coast sailed up the Elbe from a sea hitherto unheard of and unknown, and after proving victorious over many tribes effected a junction with Caesar and the army, bringing with it a great abundance of supplies of all kinds.”
“107 Even in the midst of these great events I cannot refrain from inserting this little incident. We were encamped on the nearer bank of the aforesaid river, while on the farther bank glittered the arms of the enemies’ troops, who showed an inclination to flee at every movement and manoeuvre of our vessels, when one of the barbarians, advanced in years, tall of stature, of high rank, to judge by his dress, embarked in a canoe, made as is usual with them of a hollowed log, and guiding this strange craft he advanced alone to the middle of the stream and asked permission to land without harm to himself on the bank occupied by our troops, and to see Caesar. Permission was granted. Then he beached his canoe, and, after gazing upon Caesar for a long time in silence, exclaimed: “Our young men are insane, for though they worship you as divine when absent, when you are present they fear your armies instead of trusting to your protection. But I, by your kind permission, Caesar, have to‑day seen the gods of whom I merely used to hear; and in my life have never hoped for or experienced a happier day.” After asking for and receiving permission to touch Caesar’s hand, he again entered his canoe, and continued to gaze back upon him until he landed upon his own bank. Victorious over all the nations and countries which he approached, his army safe and unimpaired, having been attacked but once, and that too through deceit on the part of the enemy with great loss on their side, Caesar led his legions back to winter quarters, and sought the city with this haste as in the previous year.”
[note: this is the piece that is quoted by Clemens in his Fontes historiae religions Germanicae so here I include the Latin as well:
CVII. Non tempero mihi, quin tantæ rerum magnitudini hoc, qualecumque est, inseram. Cum citeriorem ripam prædicti fluminis [sc. Albis] castris occupassemus, et ulterior armata hostium virtute [juventute?] fulgeret, sub omnem motum undecumque [motumque?] nostrarum navium protinus refugientium, unus e barbaris, ætate senior, corpore excellens, dignitate, quantum ostendebat cultus, eminens, cavatum ut illis mos est, ex materia conscendit alveum, solusque id navigi genus temperans ad medium processit fluminis et petiit, liceret sibi, sine periculo, in eam, quam armis temebamus, egredi ripam, ac videre Cæsarem. Data petenti facultas. Tunc [tum?] appulso lintre, et diu tacitus contemplatus Cæsarem, nostra quidem, inquit, furit iuventus, quæ, cum vestrum numen absentium colat, præsentium potius arma metuit, quam sequitur fidem. Sed ego, beneficio et [ac?] permissu tuo, Cæsar, quos ante audiebam, hodie vidi Deos: nec feliciorem ullum vitæ meæ aut optavi aut sensi diem. Impetratoque ut manum contingeret, reversus im naviculam, sine fine respectans Caesarem ripæ suorum appulsus est. Victor omnium gentium locorumque, quos adierat, Cæsar, [cum] incolumi inviolatoque, et semel tantummodo, magnâ cum clade hostium, fraude eorum tentato exercitu, in hiberna legiones reduxit, eâdem, quâ priore ammo, festinatione Urbem petens.
“108 Nothing remained to be conquered in Germany except the people of the Marcomanni…”
Bad Boys
Two Questions Remain
First, the obvious. If this really happened, could a story and a cult have survived until the 12th century?
Second, note the curious statement above that the Roman fleet joined with the army of Tiberius having sailed the Elbe “from a sea hitherto unheard of and unknown.” If this was the North Sea then it certainly would have been a sea known to the Romans already. And if it was some other sea, one that was till then truly unknown… well, then the river that was sailed up would not have been the Elbe (which empties into the North Sea).
Just sayin’.
For more on the Oder (but) as the Vistula – see here.
And here is the same text (courtesy of Duesseldorf’s Universitaets und Landesbibliothek) from the first printed edition (1520 – almost half a millennium ago!) of Marcus Velleius Paterculus. Note that, as per the translators, the River Lippe is referred to here as Iuliae… So is it really the Lippe or is it some other river? River Oder anyone?
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