Category Archives: Byzantine Slavs

The Suavs of the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian

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Michael the Syrian (circa 1126 – 1199) was Syrian Orthodox Church patriarch for over 30 years (1166 – 1199). He is the author of a giant, medieval world chronicle found in a single Syriac manuscript (dated to 1598) last located in Aleppo, though portions of the chronicle (some earlier than the Syriac language manuscript) exist in other languages.

The Chronicle contains several mentions of the Suavs, though much of this material comes from earlier, already known sources (for example, John of Ephesus). Nevertheless, the Chronicle version may be of interest so here are the Suavic passages.

This comes from the French translation by Jean-Baptiste Chabot who first had the Syriac manuscript copied in 1888. Note that there is an English translation (“The Syriac Chronicle of Michael Rabo (the Great)” by Matti Moosa, previously a professor at Gannon University but the below does not come from that.

Book IX
Chapter 33
(On the time of the end of the life of Justinian I, on the church which he built, on the bones of the martyrs which were discovered in his time, and on the other heretics which appeared in this time)

“In the 27th year of the reign of Justinianus… then came the armies of the Huns [Avars] and Slavs who besieged the imperial city. The broke through the exterior wall. They pillaged and burned all the suburbs, took captive all those they found there, and departed.”

“They came back a second and a third time. So the Romans [Byzantines] prevailed against them. They destroyed them and killed them all in battle. The small number of those who had fled was no longer seen anywhere. —And so they were delivered from them.”

Book X
Chapter 18
(On the time of Tiberius and on that which happened between the kings and in the churches)

“Then the Romans experienced new difficulties from this barbaric people, with uncultivated hair, who were called the Avars. They moved and came out of the confines of the East. Then, the western peoples of the Slavs, and others who were called Longobards, having all passed under the domination of Khagan, king of the Avars, they threw another bridge over the Danube.” 

“In the 3rd year of Tiberius’ reign, the cursed people of the Slavs came out and traveled through Hellade, the region of the Thessalonians, and Thrace, which they ravaged and set on fire. They invaded the region and spread there, they seized the troops of horses of the emperor: these barbarian men who (until then) could not show themselves outside the forests and the remote places, and who did not know armor, aside from [carrying] two or three small spears or javelins, learned the art of war. They dominated for a long time in the countries of the Romans [Byzantines].”

“The people of the Avars sent word to Tiberius saying, ‘Give us the city of Sirmium peacefully so that we may protect its people and their riches; or else we will take the city by war and we will destroy the population.’ Then Tiberius set about delaying them day by day with promises, because he thought of bringing the people of the Longobards against them from behind. But when these did not come, (the Romans) were compelled to deliver the city to them [the Avars], after it had suffered for two years from famine, so that the city people had eaten cats and other animals as a result of the shortages which were as great as those of the Samaritans.”

“When the Barbarians entered the city, they took pity on the unfortunate tormented by hunger: which should serve as an example and a reprimand to Christians who have no pity on their fellows. They [Avars] gave them bread and wine. But these, because of the ravages of a two-year famine, they ate greedily and died quickly. Those who survived took all they could and left the city, which now these barbarians came to inhabit.”

“After a year a fire fell on her [the city of Sirmium] and she was completely consumed. The barbarians fled naked and it remained deserted. Then the Romans [Byzantines] moderated their wrath a little, seeing what had happened to Sirmium.”

Book X
Chapter 20
(On the time of the death of Tiberius and on the wars of the Persians and Barbarians)

At that time, while the Roman armies were moving into Persia, the barbarian peoples of the Avars and the Slavs were ravaging the countries of the Romans; and while the Romans were fighting in Persia, the marzbān [or marzpān, literally ‘marchwarden’] Adarmôn [Adarmahān] again invaded the territory of the Romans and reached Edessa. He set fire to the eastern region of the city and burned the churches, monasteries and villages up to the distance of 15 miles, He camped north of the city and burned all that side, and the church of the Confessors. On the fourth day, the Persians killed all the prisoners and burned the corpses. They made such dust and smoke that (the brightness) of the sun was darkened.”

Book X
Chapter 21
(On the time of the beginning of the reign of Marcianus, the second Emperor of the Greeks)

“The people of the Slavs took captives everywhere. They removed objects of worship from the churches. Using great chariots they took a large ciborium from a church in Corinth and their king caused it to be fixed in place and used it lieu of a tent, and he sat underneath it. Then the Romans [Byzantines] paid off the people of the Antes, who then threw themselves on the country of the Slavs, which country they seized and plundered. They took away its riches  and set it on fire. Their country was west of the river called the Danube.”

“When the Slavs learned that their country was devastated, they roared like a lion over its prey. They gathered together by the thousands, and began to plunder without end. They could not advance so far as to besiege the imperial city. Instead they turned to the city of Anchiales and to the baths there. Many of them had been slain by the army there. In the end, they knocked down the walls. There they found the purple vestments which Anastasia, wife of Tiberius, had given as a vow to the church, when she went to the baths. The Khagan put then on, saying: ‘Whether the Emperor of the Romans wishes it or not, the kingdom has been given to me.’ Soon afterwards though he was frightened by the news that the people of the Turks were pursuing him. They retreated to Sirmium, fearing that (the Turks) would pillage the inhabitants and all its wealth. After 8 tons of gold were sent (by the Emperor Mauricius) to the Khagan, they withdrew.”

Book XI
Chapter 15
(On the time of the death of Mo’avia, the king of the Arabs, whose empire was divided again; on that of the Romans. On the ordination of Athanasius of Antioch)

“Justinian II, emperor of the Romans, who was full of insolent pride, did not allow Cyprus to be shared between the Romans and the Taiyaye [Arabs]; he removed its inhabitants in the 7th year of his reign. On learning this, Abd el-Malik [ibn Marwan ibn al-Hakam] strongly reproached him for having broken the peace and for not having waited until the end of the (ten) years. This is why Mohammed, emir of Jezireh, invaded the Beit Roumaye. The Romans gave him battle near Caesarea in Cappadocia [Battle of Sebastopolis]. The Slavs took the side of the Taiyayê [Arabs] and went with them to Syria, to the number of about seven thousand. These [Arabs] established them at Antioch and at Cyrrhus, gave them wives, and shared with them tribute and provisions.”

Book XI
Chapter 16
(On the age of Justinian II, the Emperor of the Romans who was deposed. On Athanasius bar Gumayye, who was honored during this time by ‘Abd al-Malik, the king of the Ṭayyaye. On the ecclesiastical matters which were addressed during this time by the Pontiffs)

“This Apsimar was a general, surnamed Tiberius [Byzantine Emperor Tiberius III]. When the Slavs revolted against the Romans [Byzantines], as Leontius [previous Emperor] paid no attention to them, they pillaged and laid waste the country of the Romans [Byzantines]; then Apsimar marched against them, overcame them, and subdued them. This is why he became powerful, revolted and dethroned Leontius [Byzantine Emperor after Justinian II], saying: ‘Justinian II, because of his bad conduct towards the empire of the Romans, especially for having plundered Cyprus and broken the peace with the Taiyayê [Arabs] and having thus caused the ruin of a great number of countries of the Romans [Byzantines], and for other similar reasons, was deprived of the empire; likewise Leontius, who was one of his great men who was made to rule [Leontius overthrew Justinian II after first having been imprisoned (then released) as a result of Leontius’ defeat at the Battle of Sebastopolis], having fallen in his turn into the same madness, was driven out because of it.’”

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August 9, 2023

Crónica Albeldense

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Here is a short mention of the Suavs in the Asturian Crónica Albeldense.

64. Eraclius rg. an. XXXVI. Sclaui Greciam Romanis tulerunt, Persi Siriam et Egyptum. In Spania quoque Sisebutus Gotorum rex quasdam eiusdem Romane militie urbes cepit et ludeos regni sui subditos ad Xpi fidem conuertit. Eclesiam quoque sancte Leocadie Toleto mire fundabit. Post quem Suintila princeps ceptum regnum Romanis peregit celerique uictoria totius Spanie monarciam obtinuit. Reges quoque Gotorum a Suintilane usque Cintilane eo imperante fuerunt.

Sclaui Greciam Romanis tulerunt, Persi Siriam et Egyptum translates roughly as: “The Suavs handed Greece over to the Romans and the Persians [handed over] Syria and Egypt.”

The “Romans” are, of course, Byzantines and this refers to the events during the reign of Heraclius (610-641). The Suavs in question are likely Serbs though maybe also Croats. Both (or at least their rulers) were converted to Christianity during the reign of Heraclius.

The oldest preserved copy is in the Códice Vigilano or Albeldense aka Escorialensis d I 2 from the 9th/10th century and contains, in addition to the first known Arabic numerals written in the West, a bunch of cool pictures. However, that one was not available so the above pictures are from a few others.

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January 3, 2022

al-Istakhri on the Suavs

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Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Muhammad al-Farisi al-Istakhri (? – 957) (the translation and notes come from Tarek Kahlaoui’s 2018 “Creating the Mediterranean: Maps and the Islamic Imagination”) mentions the Suavs as follows in his “Routes of the Realms” (Masālik al-Mamālik):

“As for those living in the eastern part [meaning southeast] of the Mediterranean (Bakr al-Rum) along the coast, they have brk [skin] (ta’luhum sumra), and they become darker the farther they are located to the east or to the south until they reach the territories of Sudan (sub-Saharan Africa), where the darkest of nations [lives]. As for those living in the wester part [meaning northwest] of the Mediterranean from Muslim Spain (al-Andalus) they have white [skin] and blue [eyes] (biz zurq), and the farther they are located to the west or to the north they become whiter throughout all the territories of the Run, up to those beyod the land of the Suavs (al-Saqaliba); the farther [east they live,] their [skin] becomes whiter, their [eyes] bluer, and their hair redder.”

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September 26, 2021

The Suavs of Genesios

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“Genesios” (Γενέσιος) or Joseph Genesius’s “On the Lives of the Emperors” was written about 915-930 survives in a single manuscript of the eleventh century. (A fourteenth-century reader added the presumed author’s name (“Genesios”) in the margin).

Here is an excerpt from the Anthony Kaldellis translation that mentions Suavs (Canberra 1998, from the Australian Association for Byzantine Studies). The work also contains references to Thomas the Suav and Bulgarians but we omit those in this mention.

For extensive discussions of the manuscript, see H Wäschke, ‘Genesios,’ pp. 256-263 in Philologus, and the introduction to the Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae XIV (CFHB) edition of the text by Anni Lesmuller-Werner and I. Thurn; pp. ix, xxii-xxvi Iosephi Genesii regnum libri quattuor.




Book 2: Michael II (820-829)
“2. It is said that when Thomas heard of Michael’s elevation to the throne he quickly contrived to revolt against him with a large army. For the two men had always been opposed to each other, and Michael was hated by the entire army of the Anatolians, and was equally unpopular on account of his native town, in which, as it seems, a great number of Athinganoi dwelt, because of the defect in his speech, and because he was not considered by some to be a brave enough man. Thomas, on the other hand, was loved by all for his courage, and no less for his cheerful disposition and affability. He rivaled Leo in all noble qualities, even though he had Scythian ancestry and was in addition an old man, and had a lame leg. He now seized all the tax-collectors, laid claim in writing to the regular exactions, and by distributing them to the people he assembled a large force to use against Michael. None of those who originated in the east, or in the west itself, failed to support him, neither did foreign nations that had come to dwell in the Empire, nor its own natives, nor its neighbors, nor any slaves that hated their masters, nor entire nations, nor all those who rushed to him at various times and followed him, some fighting by land and some by sea. He seemed to be a new Xerxes, although one of the same faith, and therefore all the themes hurried to ally themselves with him along with their Strategoi. Only Olbianos, the Strategos of the Armeniakon theme, kept his troops in line by his shrewdness, and also Katakylas, the Strategos of the Opsikion theme, and they both remained loyal to Michael.  Thomas’ army, then, which had turned against its countrymen, grew so much that the Saracens seized the opportunity to freely plunder all the islands and lands, and would have conquered them utterly, even though afterwards numerous reports circulated among them which made Thomas seem invincible. Hence he attempted to negotiate with them in the following way. He cunningly enticed them, suggesting that he would be satisfied with whatever they desired, as they greatly feared his large force. He therefore sent an embassy to them seeking peace, which was in reality an alliance whose purpose was to overthrow the Emperor. Having thus made a treaty with the Agarenoi, with the concurrence of their leader he was crowned Emperor by the Patriarch Job of Antioch. He assembled his famous army, which was composed of Agarenoi, Indians, Egyptians, Assyrians, Medes, Abasians, Zichians, Iberians, Kabeirians, Slavs, Huns, Vandals, Getai, and all those who had partaken of the abomination of Mani as well as Lazoi, Alans, Chaldians, Armenians, and other peoples of all sorts, and he took control of the entire east. Finally he marched to Thrace and tried to take Byzantium by force by laying siege to it, placing his hopes in his heavy cavalry, infantry rock-throwers, slingers, and countless peltasts. In addition he possessed not a few siege engines. He attacked the land walls with them many times, but was always repelled without having made any gains. The Emperor’s son Theophilos resisted his attacks and fought hard against him, but his father Michael would often sally forth and engage in hand-to-hand combat himself. Not knowing what to do, Thomas resorted to naval attacks, as he had amassed a large squadron of ships, but here he likewise met with failure, for his ships were consumed by ‘Military Fire.’ Knowledge of this weapon had almost disappeared before these events, but at this time it was discovered in the following way. A certain knowledgeable Egyptian named Kallinikos was the only man who possessed its secret. Outspokenly presenting himself to the Emperor, he said that, if the Emperor so desired, he would fight on his side against Thomas at sea. He then prepared the substance and distributed it to the admirals.”

Book 4: Basil I (867-886)

“26…The two now closed in on each other. The other atempted to lift Basil off the ground, but he could not counter Basil’s resistance and it was he who was lifted up, though bravely, and swirled around very quickly. He was thrown to the ground,”by a podrezian embrace,”* as the locals say, and was so unmistakably defeated that everyone was highly entertained. But after a while they managed to revive him by pouring buckets of water on him. Antigonos returned with his own men to the Caesar and told him everything that had hapened. Eventually the Emperor Michael heard the story and summoned Basil and two others of the same age. When he saw them, he was pleased with their countenance and praised their stature, but he marveled at Basil much more than at the other two. He gave him various honors and promised him many more. For God advances those who He knows will rule and endows them with the symbols of Empire…” 

* Kaldellis’ note: “From pod and rezati – to ‘undercut.” (that is podrzezać)

“30. …He considered a man named Andreas, who was intelligent and who sought experience and the opportunity to prove his bravery, even though he kept his qualities a secret, as the course of events would prove (he came from the Scythian lands of the west). Basil appointed him second in command of the Opsikion theme. Andreas** managed his forces expertly, attacked the enemy, and won a great victory, which decreased their arrogance for the meantime. Because of this victory and his many other acts of bravery, he was made a Patrikios and given the comand of the Scholai. And since he continued to campaign against the enemy, and won many victories, he was later appointed to be Magistros.”

* Kaldellis’ note: “For the career of Andreas, who was probably of Suavic descent, see ‘Patrices des regnes de Basile ler et de LeonVI,’ pages 300-301. The events described in this section occurred late in 878 (the year Syracuse fell); the victory was won at Podandos in Cilicia, and the enemy was the emir of Tarsos… B. Blysidou dates his elevation to Magistros to 886.”

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September 24, 2021

Theodorus Balsamon on the January Activities

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Theodore Balsamon (Greek: Θεόδωρος Βαλσαμῶν) was a canonist of the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Eastern Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch. He was active in the second half of the 12th century.


Balsamon Commentary on Canon 62

Franz Miklosich brought the following excerpt from Balsamon to the world’s attention writing in the Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschafte (volume 46, part III, 1864, page 387).

The excerpt comes from Balsamon’s commentary on the 62nd canon of the Council in Trullo (held in τρούλος meaning “dome” of Constantinople’s Imperial Palace) in the year s 691-692:

Subsequently, the same was republished by Karl Meyer in the appendix to his Fontes:

The English text follows (mostly) the Eugenio R. Luján Martínez translation from the volume on Suavic religion edited by Juan Antonio ÁlvarezPedrosa:

“And so it was that there existed among the Romans the custom of holding annually a pagan festival in memory of these and performing unworthy acts, which still occurs now among certain peasants on the first days of the month of January, not as with the Romans who commemorated the Calends and the rest but because this isi the time when the moon renews itself and its foundation is established from the beginning of that same month and they believe that they will have good fortune all year if they hold a festival when this begins Such a festival us an abomination asa re those called Rusalia, which take place after Easter due to the impious customs in the outer lands; they, they celebrate Bota and Brumalia the  Greek festivities that are held in the name of the false god Pan.” [this last bit from the Miklosich piece.”

For the rest of the Migne edition see here.


Canon 62

The 12th century Rusalia were, likely, a Slavic phenomemon. However, it’s also worth citing the 7th century 62nd canon itself which had not been focused on the Slavs (from A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Church” (series 2), edited by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, volume XIV, ed. H.R. Percival, 1890; as quoted by Timothy E. Gregory’s “A History of Byzantium”):

“The so-called Calends, and what are called Bota and Brumalia, and the full assembly which takes place on the first of March, we wish to be abolished from the life of the faithful. And the also the public dances of women, which may do much harm and mischief. Moreover we drive away from the life of Christians the dances given in the names of those falsely called gods by the Greeks whether of men or women, and which are performed after an ancient and un-Christian fashion; decreeing that no man from this time forth shall be dressed as a woman, nor any woman in the garb suitable to men. Nor shall he assume comic, satyric, or tragic masks; nor may men invoke the name of the execrable Bacchus when they squeeze wine in the presses; nor when pouring out wine into jars [to cause a laugh], practicing in ignorance and vanity the things which proceed from the deceit of insanity. Therefore, those who in the future attempt any of these things which are [here] written, having obtained a knowledge if them, if they be clerics we order them to be deposed, and if laymen to be cut off [from the Church].”

As another note, the name of Brumalia supposedly comes from brvma “winter solstice” or perhaps “winter cold.” This is assumed to be a shortening of reconstructed *brevima and yet it is interestingly close (and indeed closer to the Suavic brama meaning “gate”. Bota obviously looks quite like the Boda idol celebrated on the Bald Mountain. Finally, the “cross-dressing” aspect of these parties seems similar to some of the Iarilo festivals in Russia.

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March 22, 2021

The History of Leo the Deacon

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The History of Leo the Deacon” contains a significant amount of information regarding the Varangian Rus and their wars with the Byzantines. We are not going to give all that here but we will include a passage that discusses some religious customs of the Rus. Some of this made its way into Karl Meyer’s “Fontes historiae religionis Slavicae.” It’s not clear whether these religious customs are customs of the Suavs or of the Rus. My bet is on the latter. For example, the killing of the chickens is similar to that described earlier by Constantine Porphyrogennetos as being done by the Rus. Alternatively, there are also apparently similar customs amongst the Hungarians, Mongols and Tatars. Nevertheless, since Meyer saw it fit to include this in his book, we will include it here as well. Note that the History itself is a 10th century book. The English translation is from Alice-Mary Talbot and Denis F. Sullivan edition. The events described below date back to 971 when  John Tzimiskes defeated Svyatoslav of Kiev (whose parents were Igor and Olga) who was roaming through Bulgaria.


Book IX

6. Elated by this victory, the Rus’ issued forth from the city the next day, and drew up their ranks on the batdefield; and the Romans also were arrayed in close order and in a deep formation and went to meet them. At this point Anemas, one of the imperial bodyguards and son of the leader of the Cretans, caught sight of Ikmor, second in command of the Scythian army after Sphendosthlavos and ranked immediately after him, a huge and vigorous man, who was frenziedly attacking with a company of infantry following him and killing large numbers of Romans; and Anemas was incited by his innate prowess, and drew the sword which was hanging at his side and turned his horse this way and that, and goaded it with his spurs, and headed toward Ikmor. And he overtook him and struck him in the neck; and the Scythian’s head and right arm were severed and dashed to the ground. As he fell, a cry mingled with lamentation arose from the Scythians; and the Romans attacked them. They could not withstand the enemy assault, but, grievously distressed by the death of their general, raised their shields, covering their shoulders, and withdrew to the town; and the Romans pursued them and slaughtered them. When night fell, since the moon was nearly full, they [the Rus’] came out on the plain and searched for their dead; and they collected them in front of the city wall and kindled numerous fires and burned them, after slaughtering on top of them many captives, both men and women, in accordance with their ancestral custom.  And they made sacrificial offerings by drowning suckling infants and chickens in the Istros, plunging them into the rushing waters of the river.  For they are said to be addicted to Hellenic mysteries,  and to make sacrifices and libations to the dead in the Hellenic fashion, having been initiated in these things either by their own philosophers, Anacharsis and Zamolxis, or by the comrades of Achilles. For Arrian says in the Periplous that Achilles, son of Peleus, was a Scythian, from a small town called Myrmekion located by Lake Maeotis; and that he was banished by the Scythians because of his harsh, cruel, and arrogant temperament, and then went to live in Thessaly. Clear proofs of this story are the style of his clothing with a brooch, and his fighting on foot, and his red hair and grey eyes, and his reckless and passionate and cruel temperament, on account of which Agamemnon reproached and mocked him, speaking as follows: “Always is strife dear to you and wars and battles!” For the Tauroscythians are still acccustomed to settle their disputes with killing and bloodshed. That this people is reckless and warlike and mighty, and attacks all the neighboring peoples, is attested by many people, among them the holy Ezekiel, who alludes to them when he says as follows: “Behold, I will bring upon you Gog and Magog, the ruler of the Rosy. But this is enough about the sacrifices of the Taurians

7. Then, since day was already dawning, Sphendosthlavos assembled a council of nobles, called a komentoh in their language. When they were all gathered round him, and had been asked by him what the course of action should be, some advised that they should embark on their boats in the middle of the night and steal away by any means whatsoever; for they were not able to contend with ironclad horsemen, and besides they had lost their best warriors, who had encouraged the army and sharpened their mettle. Others counseled, on the contrary, that they should come to terms with the Romans [that is the Byzantines], and receive pledges in return, and thus save the remaining army. For they could not easily escape by ship, since the fireships were keeping watch over the transports on both sides of the Istros, so that they could immediately set fire to all of them, if they attempted to sail out on the river. Sphendosthlavos groaned deeply and bitterly, and said: “If we now yield ignobly to the Romans, gone will be the glory that has attended upon the arms of the Rus, as they have effortlessly overwhelmed neighboring peoples, and enslaved whole lands without bloodshed. Rather, let us again manifest the valor of our ancestors, and, remembering that up till now the might of the Rus has been unvanquished, let us fight ardently for our safety. For it is not our custom to return to our fatherland as fugitives, but either to be victorious and live, or to die gloriously, after displaying deeds [worthy] of brave men.” Such was the advice of Sphendosthlavos.

8. This also is said about the Tauroscythians, that never up until now had they surrendered to the enemy when defeated; but when they lose hope of safety, they drive their swords into their vital parts, and thus kill themselves. And they do this because of the following belief: they say that if they are killed in battle by the enemy, then after their death and the separation of their souls from their bodies they will serve their slayers in Hades. And the Tauroscythians dread such servitude, and, hating to wait upon those who have killed them, inflict death upon themselves with their own hands. Such is the belief that prevails among them. But then, after listening to the words of their leader, out of love for life they decided to choose danger for the sake of their own safety, and spiritedly drew up to oppose the Roman forces.

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July 3, 2019

Bishop Bar Hebraeus on the Suavs

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Bishop Bar Hebraeus Gregorios Bar Ebraya (1226 – 1286) was a Syrian scholar and an author of a world chronicle divided into eleven dynasties for which he used earlier Greek, Syriac and Arabic historians. His chronicle starts at the very beginning and, continued by his brother, goes all the way to 1296. There are a number of mentions of the Suavs in the chronicle. The main edition is that of Paul Bedjan (1898) which was translated (1932) into English by Ernest Alfred Thompson Wallis Budge. The whole chronicle is accessible here. A more manageable version of Budge’s is posted by Robert Bedrosian here. Finally, here is another version of the same Budge translation. I left the annoying CAPS mentions of names as they were in the Wallis version.

The Chronography of Gregory Abû’l Faraj, the son of Aaron aka Bar Hebraeus
Bar Hebraeus’ Chronography

The First Series of generations, which beginneth with the Patriarchs

“…And in the one hundred and fortieth year of PALAGH the earth was divided a second time, between the sons of NOAH. And to the sons of SHEM came the inheritance from the middle of the inhabited world to the limit thereof on the east, [including] PALESTINE, ARABIA, and PHOENICIA, and the country of SYRIA, and all the country between the Two Rivers (MESOPOTAMIA), and HYRCANIA, and ‘ATHOR (ASSYRIA), and the country of SEN’AR (SHINAR), and BABIL, and KARDO, and all PERSIA, and NORTHERN INDIA and BACTRIANA. And to the sons of HAM [came the inheritance], the whole of the south, from east to west, INDIA (Central, Outer, and Southern), KUSH, SHEBHA, EGYPT, LYBIA, THEBAIS, AFRICA, and towards the north CILICIA, PAMPHYLIA, PISIDIA, MYSIA, PHRYGIA, LUKYA (LYCIA), LYDIA, and of the Islands [of the MEDITERRANEAN] CYPRUS, CHIOS, SICILY, and twenty others. And to the sons of JAPHET [came the inheritance], the whole of the north from east to west, the country of the ‘ALANAYE (GERMANS, RB: Alans?), the TURKS, MEDIA, ARMENIA, CAPPADOCIA, GALATIA, ASIA, MYSIA, TARKI (THRACE?), ‘ILADHA (HELLAS), the land of the GREEKS (IONIANS), the RHOMAYE (BYZANTINES), the SARMATIANS, the ‘ASKLABHE (SCLAVS), the BULGARS, the GALLAYE (GAULS?), the SPANIARDS as far as GADIRA…

Here beginneth the Eighth Series, which passeth from the Kings of the pagan Greeks to the Kings of the Rhomaye

[This “series” starts with the Ptolemies and goes through all the Roman and Byzantine Emperors]

Justinianus

…And in the thirty-first year of JUSTINIANUS a severe earthquake took place, and the two walls of CONSTANTINOPLE, both the inner and the outer, were breached. And the city of RIGIN was so completely swallowed up by the earth that the site thereof could not be identified. And also the purple pillar which [stood] before the palace, and had a statue of the Emperor upon the top of it, was first cast up into the air, and then it turned upside down, and became embedded in the ground into which it sunk to a depth of eight feet. The earth swayed and rocked about like a tree before the wind for ten days. And after these things the armies of the HUNS and the ‘ASKLABE (SLAVS) came and encamped about the royal city, and they broke down the outer walls, and plundered and burnt all the colonnades; and they seized everything which they found and departed. And they came again, a second and a third time, and then the RHOMAYE gained the mastery and destroyed them in the war [which followed]. The few of them who escaped never again appeared in the place…

Justinus

…And [KESRU] laid down a law that a king should not go forth to war except against a king. For the RHOMAYE had sent [a message] to him, saying. ‘We are [only] the servants of a king, and it would be a disgrace to us to go in like thieves and set fire [to places]; how very much more it is [a disgrace] to thee [to do this] who art a king?’ After these things, the RHOMAYE relying on their victory unsaddled their horses and they went away to feed. And behold, suddenly, certain SLAVS, that is to say scouts, came and said, ‘Behold the PERSIANS and KESRU are coming’. Now the RHOMAYE had set no sentries at all on guard, and wholly unexpectedly the army of the PERSIANS came upon them. And trembling fell upon the RHOMAYE. And they began to flee on foot, and the PERSIANS who pursued them cut them down (?), and they collected the weapons, and bridles and armour which the RHOMAYE cast away [when they] fled…

Here beginneth the Ninth Series, which [beginneth with] the kings of the RHOMAYE and endeth with the kings of the YAWNAYE (Greeks)

Tiberius

…At this time when the army of the RHOMAYE was marching to PERSIA with MAURICIUS CAESAR, the barbarian peoples of ‘ABHARIS (ABARES) and ‘ASKLABHONE (SCYTHIA) and LONGOBARDY, who were subject to the KHAKAN, laid waste the countries of the RHOMAYE…

Mauricius 

…And in the fourth year of his reign there broke forth and went out from the EAST a hateful people from ‘ABARIS whose hair was plaited, and from the WEST also came the SLAVS and the LONGOBARDS. And they came under the subjugation of the KHAKAN, king of the KAZARAYE, and they captured two cities from the RHOMAYE and many of [their] fortresses. And if it had not been for the great ditch which the king had made outside ADRIANOPLE, they would have set their faces towards CONSTANTINOPLE. Then the RHOMAYE killed the people of ‘ANTIO…, and they fell upon ‘ASKLABHUNYA and captured it and looted it. When the ‘ASKLABHONE heard this they made a great war (i.e. raid) in the country of the RHOMAYE and came back.

At this time there went forth from Inner SCYTHIA three brothers with thirty thousand SCYTHIANS. And they came a journey of two months in the time of winter, for the discovery of water, that is to say [water ] from the fords of MOUNT AMON; and they arrived at the river TANIS (DONA?), which goeth out from the lake of MIANTIS and mingleth in the SEA OF PONTOS. And when they arrived at the frontier of the RHOMAYE, one of them whose name was BULGARIS took ten ships and crossed the river TANIS and pitched his camp between the rivers TANIS and DUNBIR (DON and DNIEPER?), which also mingles (i.e. flows into) the SEA OF PONTOS. And he sent to MAURICIUS [asking] him to give him land to dwell in, and [said that] he would become an ally of the RHOMAYE. And MAURICIUS gave him Upper and Lower MYSIA, and they dwelt there, and they became a guard (i.e. a buffer garrison) for the RHOMAYE. Now, though they were SCYTHIANS the RHOMAYE call them ‘BULGARIANS‘. Then these two other brothers came to the country of ‘AL AN, which is BAR SALIA, that is to say to the towns of the CASPIAN, which the BULGARIANS and the PANGURIANS call the ‘Gate of the Turks’; they were once Christians and are now called ‘KAZARAYE’ after the name of the eldest brother…

…And in the eighth year of MAURICIUS the PERSIANS rebelled against HORMIZD, their king, and they seized him by treachery and blinded his eyes, and he died. And ten months later those who had killed him because of the multitude of his evil deeds, inclined towards his son KESRU; and they made him their king [and he reigned] thirty-eight years. Now BAHRAM, the captain of the Persian host, did not favor KESRU, and he and many people rebelled against him vigorously. Then KESRU took refuge with the RHOMAYE, and he sent a message secretly to MAURICIUS saying that he was ready to go to him if it pleased him to grant him permission. When MAURICIUS heard this he rejoiced. And he wrote [to him saying] that he would help him in everything. And KESRU rose up promptly and came to EDESSA. And IWANNIS (JOANNES), a native of RUSAFAYA, received him into his house, and honoured him greatly. And he wrote to MAURICIUS, [saying], ‘Like a slave he should be to him’, but MAURICIUS replied that he should honour him as a father honoureth his son. And MAURICIUS sent to JOANNES, the captain of the host of the TARKAYE, with twenty thousand soldiers, and ANASTASIUS who took with him ‘ARMANAYO (ARMENIANS) and BULGARIANS– twenty thousand. And he sent forty talents of gold for his expenses. And when KESRU received these he marched to his own country. And HORMIZAN the PERSIAN came to him with ten thousand men. Now, when the rebels heard [this] they made ready to fight, and they were defeated and turned their backs in flight, and the captains who were among them were captured and killed, and the rest returned to KESRU. Then KESRU gave many gifts to the RHOMAYE, and he sent great gifts to MAURICIUS and precious stones, and he gave back DARA and RAS’AYN to the RHOMAYE. And KESRU asked MAURICIUS and he gave him MARIA, his daughter, to wife. And bishops went down with her, and the daughter of THEODOSIUS also made a splendid feast, and the Patriarch bound on the wedding crown. And KESRU built three great temples to the God-bearer, to the Apostles, and to SERGIUS the martyr, and the Patriarch of ANTIOCH consecrated them. And Christianity spread throughout PERSIA…

Phocas

…And there was a severe winter, and the EUPHRATES was frozen over. And after two years the PERSIANS crossed the EUPHRATES, and seized MABBOGH, and KENNESHRIN, and BEROEA and ANTIOCH. And it is said that when KESRU was master of EDESSA he took as a captive the wife of JOANNES of RUSAFA, whom he had honoured with such great honour when he received him into his house, and he took her down to PERSIA, and put her to death by tortures. The reason of this was that one day when he was resting in the house of JOANNES he said unto her, ‘It is the custom among the PERSIANS that when the king condescends to go into the house of one of his governors, for the mistress of that house to come forth and to pay him honour, and to mix wine for him, even if it be only one cup[ful]’. Now though JOANNES was ashamed and was unwilling to act contrary to the wish of his wife, he inclined towards the matter (i.e. he thought that she might do what the king wanted done). But she did not wish to do so, and she replied, ‘In truth we are bound to pay honour to our chief, for he is a great king. But with us SYRIANS it is not the custom for the women to go out to men when they are drinking together. Therefore let not him (the king) blame me because I was too bashful to go out [to pay homage to him]. Then the Calumniator (i.e. the Devil) inflamed the wrath of KESRU, and he said to JOANNES, ‘That she did not go forth hath brought contempt upon thee, and what she hath said hath done so also’. This was his opinion; and because of this act he was driven away from his high position, and for this reason he kept his anger against her…

Here beginneth the Tenth Series, which passeth on from the GREEK (IONIAN) kings to the ARAB kings

Then JUSTINIANUS waxing proud, transgressed [his] oaths, and he broke the peace before it was fulfilled, and he sent and made captives the ARABS who were in CYPRUS. Because of this MAHAMMAD, the Amir of the island of KARDU, went to CAPPADOCIA, and the RHOMAYE and the ‘ASKLABE (SLAVS) attacked him in battle, and the RHOMAYE were defeated near CESARAEA. And the ‘ASKLABE (SLAVS) made friends with the ARABS, and about seven thousand of them went out with them to SYRIA. And they settled them in ANTIOCH and in KUROS, and gave them women and provisions (rations?)…

,,,In the year one thousand and ten of the GREEKS (A.D. 699), the captain of the host of CILICIA, whose name was ‘APSIMAROS, who is called ‘TIBERIUS’, came and swept away LEONTIUS from the kingdom, and reigned in his stead, but he did not kill LEONTIUS. This TIBERIUS subjugated again the SLAVS who had rebelled against the RHOMAYE. And he went out to the country of SAMOSATA and slew five thousand ARABS, and he took captives and looted and came back. Then ‘ABD AL-MALIK appointed two captains of the host, viz. MAHAMMAD over BETH NAHRIN, and ASSYRIA, and ARMENIA, and ADHORBIJAN, and his servant HAJAJ over all PERSIA and ARABIA. And when HAJAJ plundered the chiefs of the ARABS mercilessly, MAHAMMAD sent and brought MU’ED, the chief of the Thaglabite ARABS who were Christians, and urged him to become a Muslim. And when he refused to do so he cast him into a miry pit. And then he brought him out again, and flattered him, and when he would not be persuaded by any means whatsoever, he killed MU’ED. And he also collected the chiefs of the ARMENIANS and shut them up in one of the churches of ARMENIA, and then he set the church on fire and burnt them all. And he slew ANASTUS, the son of ANDREA, governor of EDESSA…

…And in the year twelve hundred and seven of the GREEKS (A.D. 896), LEO, king of the RHOMAYE., fell sick of a disease of the bowels and died, and his son ALEXANDER reigned after him one year. And because he had turned aside his heart from the fear of God, and had given himself over to sorcerers and magicians, he was smitten by the rod of righteousness and died. And after him his brother CONSTANTlNUS reigned four years. And at the beginning of his kingdom SIMIAN, the chief of the BULGARIANS and SCLAVS, came against CONSTANTINOPLE, and he destroyed many villages. And he afflicted the city also, and he made against it a great ditch [which reached] from BELAKERNE to the gate which is called ‘Golden’. And the king of the RHOMAYE sent [a dispatch] to him, saying, ‘Since we are all Christians, and the children of one baptism, why do such dissentions as these exist between us?’ And as SIMION refused to be propitiated (or, reconciled), king CONSTANTINUS collected the Arab prisoners who were in CONSTANTINOPLE, and he promised them that if they would help the RHOMAYE to victory [over] the BULGARIANS he would set them free. And having sworn to the king oaths [that they would do so], weapons of war were given to them. And the RHOMAYE went forth with the ARABS with one purpose, and they defeated the SCLAVS, and killed many of them, and the rest fled. The king (CONSTANTINUS), however, went back on his promise, and he took away from the ARABS their weapons, and threw iron fetters on them again, and scattered them throughout his provinces, for he was afraid lest they should set up a chief for themselves. The history of the blessed MAR MICHAEL, which dealeth with the war of the RHOMAYE with the ARABS, [testifieth] to this, and he introduceth it in the Arabic manuscripts [which describe] the war with the SCLAVS, and it is correct. For during the war with the ARABS the RHOMAYE would never have believed it [safe] to release the Arab prisoners from their bonds, and to put weapons of war into their hands…

…[A.D. 944] After MUTHAKI, MUSTAKFI, the son of MUKTAFI, [ruled] one year and four months. And during the year in which he reigned, various peoples, the ‘ALANAYE, and the ‘ASLABHAYE (SCLAVS), and the LAGZAYE, went forth and came to ‘ADHORBIJAN, and they captured the city, the name of which was BARDA’AH, and they killed therein about twenty thousand men and departed. And again the nobles conceived treachery concerning king MUSTAKFI. And one day when he was sitting on his throne the nobles went in according to custom, and they kissed the ground, and they kissed his hand and stood up. And when their number was complete, one of them, he who had come in last, kissed the ground, and drew nigh to the king. And the king, thinking that he had come near him in order to kiss his hand, stretched out his hand to him. And the noble took it and dragged him towards himself, and pulled him from his throne on to his face. And all the nobles gathered together about him, and they made him to go forth from the palace on foot, and they took him along and shut him up in the mansion of MU’IZZ AD-DAWLAH, the captain of the host. And they brought FADHIL, the son of MUK’TADER, and made him king, and named him MUTI’…

…And in the year thirteen hundred and forty-one of the GREEKS (A.D. 1030)…  when ROMANUS the king heard that the RHOMAYE were broken at ALEPPO, he collected a mighty army, more than one hundred thousand men, and came to ANTIOCH; and from there he set out to come to ALEPPO. And since two nobles of the ‘ASKLABE (SCLAVS) and the army that was with them were [marching] a little in advance of the army of the RHOMAYE, they encountered about one hundred MA’DAYE horsemen and a thousand foot soldiers, and the SCLAVS were broken, and turned their faces [in flight]. And they made a report to the RHOMAYE, saying, ‘Behold, innumerable soldiers, EGYPTIANS and MA’DAYE, are coming’. And fear fell upon the RHOMAYE, and with the greatest difficulty ROMANUS the king and his troops, one by one, each on his horse, fled to ANTIOCH without fighting and without [striking] a blow. And the ARABS overtook them, and they captured from the RHOMAYE seventy camels with their loads of zuze and dinars, and vessels of gold and silver, and bales of rich stuffs, and such a large number of mules that a Tarka mule was sold in ALEPPO for two dinars. It is said that ROMANUS himself was not able to save one tent or a cup from which he could drink water…

…And in the year which was the year thirteen hundred and fifty-five of the GREEKS (A.D. 1044)… a great army of SCLAVS, that is to say RUSSIANS, came against the royal city by sea and by land. And God helped the RHOMAYE, and they set fire to their ships and burned them on the sea, and the greater number of them were burned and sunk. And similarly they made prisoners of many of those who had come by land, and they cut off their right hands; and the RHOMAYE obtained a great victory. And at the time when there were many aliens, ARMENIANS, and ARABS, and JEWS, in the royal city, a great tumult broke out against CONSTANTlNE the king. And the peoples gathered together at the gate of the palace and cried out, ‘This CONSTANTINE hath killed two of our kings’, and they were seeking for an excuse (or, reason) for looting the palace and the mansions of the nobles. Then king CONSTANTINE gathered together the nobles, and he brought out THEODORA and ZAI (ZOAI) arrayed in gorgeous royal apparel. And when the agitators saw them they became quiet. And the king having inquired into the cause of the tumult, he was told that the aliens had made the tumult so that they might loot the city. Then the king commanded that there should not remain in it anyone who had entered it during the last thirty years, and that the man who stayed should have his eyes gouged out. Then there went out about one hundred thousand souls…

…And at this time TUSHI, the eldest son of CHINGIZ KHAN, died. And he left seven grown-up sons who were: TAMSHAL, HARDU, BATU, SIBARAN, TANGUTH, BARAKAH, and BARKAJAR. And from among these the Khan selected BATU, and to him he handed over the northern countries of the SLAVS, and the GERMANS, and the RUSSIANS, and the BULGARIANS. And his seat was on the great river which is called ‘ITIL (i.e. the VOLGA). And BATU, whilst going on the northern road from the country of the IBERIANS to the countries of the BULGARIANS and SCYTHIANS, destroyed their populations by the edge of the sword, and blotted out their kingdoms. And because the command of the Khan had gone forth in this wise: ‘[The troops] shall cut off the right ear of every BULGARIAN and RUSSIAN who is killed, when they counted the ears, two hundred and seventy thousand ears were found with the TATARS…”

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April 8, 2019

The Suavs of John the Syrian

Published Post author

Here are the Suav excerpts from “The Ecclesiastical History” of John, Bishop of Ephesus also known as John the Syrian or John the Syrian or John of Asia (circa 507 – circa 588), along with a few additional pieces on the Avars for interesting context. Note that these come from the third part of the book, the first two parts having been lost (the original started with Caesar’s time). Even the third part is missing a few chapters (the History ends roughly about 588). The original manuscript was in the convent of Saint Mary of Deipara in the desert of Scete and, having been discovered by one Doctor Cureton, it was then acquired by the British Museum. As a result of this fortuitous event, the Syriac original was published in 1853. Thereafter, in 1860 the English translation was published by R. Payne Smith (from whose edition the above facts also come). The work is contemporaneous with the events described in it and some later ones may he’d been added into the History in real time.

Book II, Chapter 30

Showing that as the churches of the orthodox were rooted up in the persecution by the Synodites, so shortly afterwards those which the Synodites themselves pos sessed were, similarly treated by a certain just sentence; the altars of the churches throughout all Thrace, and up to the city wall, being rooted out and stripped by the barbarians, and they fled from before the face of the barbarians

Nor did vengeance fall only upon individuals, but as the synodites had rooted up the churches of the orthodox during the persecution, so after a short time, by a righteous sentence, the altars of their churches throughout Thrace, and up to the very walls of the city, were rased to the ground by the barbarians. For it seemed good to the rulers in church and state, to overthrow the meeting-houses of the believers, and level their altars with the ground: but when a short time only had elapsed, a barbarous people, who from their unshorn hair are called Avars, invaded the country and marched up to the outer walls of Constantinople: and all the churches in Thrace were plundered by them and deso lated with the whole land, and the altars were stripped and overthrown, and the ciboria destroyed and plucked down, even to the very walls of the city. And many of them understood this just judgment, and said, “Lo, that which was unjustly done by men of our own party unto those who do not agree with us, in uprooting their churches, this has God done unto us in anger, and our churches also are rooted up and ruined.” And all men wondered thereat and praised God, Who requiteth every man according to his works.

Book III, Chapter 25

Concerning the trials occasioned by the numerous wars which surrounded king Tiberius from the time he was made Caesar

The merciful Tiberius during the whole time he was Caesar in Justin s lifetime, because of the king himself having fallen a prey to various maladies, was entirely occupied with the wars which surrounded him on all sides: for, besides the struggle with the Persians, he was constantly threatened in every direction by those other barbarian tribes which had risen up against the powerful empire of the Romans: and after the death of Justin, they pressed upon him with still greater violence, especially the accursed tribes of the Slavonians, and those who, from their long hair, are called Avars. For after he became sole ruler, they gave him neither rest nor breathing time, but constantly wars and rumours of war multiplied around him: so that many, both of the chiefs and the commonalty, used to express their sorrow for him, and say, “Verily the kingdom has fallen to his lot in a time of trial and in evil days; for day and night he is anxious, and full of care how best he can gather troops from every quarter, and send them to maintain these incessant wars.”

[Chapter 26 continues: It was this necessity which compelled Tiberius  to enlist under his banners a barbarian people from the west, called Goths, and who were followers of the doctrine of the wicked Arius. And on their departure for Persia, leaving their wives and children at Constantinople, they asked the king to set apart and assign for their use a church, in which during their absence their families who remained behind might assemble for worship….]

Book V, Chapter 19

Concerning Domitianus, metropolitan of the city of Me- litene, a relative of the king

One relative, however, needs more particular mention, namely, Domitian, metropolitan of Melitene. Already Maurice, when sent by Tiberius to the East with the title of count, had shewn his devotion to the interests of his family by making him bishop of Melitene in Cappadocia: and when, after spending a period of two years more or less in the East, he had returned to the capital, and been made king, immediately Domitian hastened to him, and became his counsellor and most intimate adviser, and the person who thought for him, and encouraged him in all the severe and painful difficulties with which he had to contend in the wars which pressed upon him on all sides, with the heathen and Magian people of the Persians, and the harbarous and savage tribes who came from the ends of the world, and are called Avars, and also with the Slavonians. And in all these difficulties the bishop of Melitene was the king’s comforter and counsellor, although he was still but a young man. He was however thoroughly imbued with the opinions of the council of Chalcedon and of Leo. The great and important matters then, which pressed upon the empire on all sides, he laid before the king, together with his advice; and he let him settle them as he chose, and so he continues to do to this day.

Book VI, Chapter 24

Concerning a base people who are called Avars 

While the Romans were waging war in the east with the Persians, in the west they were suffering almost greater miseries from the inroads of an abominable people, who, from their long hair, are called Avars. Their first appear ance in the Roman territories was in the days of king Justinian, who received their ambassadors with great honour, and made them rich presents of gold and silver and dresses and girdles and saddles ornamented with gold; and sent also similar presents by their hands to their chiefs. And not only were they astonished at his bountifulness, but also quickly sent other ambassadors, whom he treated with equal munificence. And often on various pretexts they sent embassies, and he gave presents to them all, and sent them away loaded with gifts, imagining that by their means he should subdue all his enemies. And this continued until the murmuring against him grew general on the part both of the senate and the people; for they said, “He is stripping the whole kingdom, and giving it to barbarians.” And when Justinian departed from this world, and Justin, his sister’s son, reigned in his stead, a troop of them had just come, to be loaded as usual with presents, and go their way. And after a few days they had an audience with Justin, and said to him, “Give us as he used to give us who is dead; and send us away to our king.” But Justin, having been one of those who were vexed and grumbled at the amount which these barbarians received, and carried out of the kingdom, answered them, “Never again shall ye be loaded at the expense of this kingdom, and go your way without doing us any service: for from me ye shall receive nothing.” And when the Avars began to threaten, he grew angry, and said, “Do you dead dogs dare to threaten the Roman realm? Learn that I will shave off those locks of yours, and then cut off your heads.” And at his command they were seized and hurried on board some boats, and turned out of the city, and taken across the strait, and imprisoned in Chalcedon. And as their number was fully three hundred men, a force was posted there to guard them, together with some of the royal bodyguard. And at the end of six months he loosed them and sent them away, with threats, that should he ever set eyes upon any of them again, either at the capital or in any part of his dominions, their lives should answer for it. And thus they were terrified at him, and kept quiet, and did not shew themselves for a long time: but filially, they sent ambassadors to him to ask for friendship and make submission, and to say, that whatever he commanded them, they would do. And accordingly all his days they continued to be his friends. And as they were a powerful people, and rapidly grew in wealth and import ance by the conquest and plunder of many of the northern tribes, they finally carried their arms so far as to fall upon another powerful people, called the Gepidae, who dwelt upon the banks of the great river, the Danube; and them they conquered, and took possession, of their territories, and dwelt there, and spread themselves in the rich lands which they had occupied far and wide. Still professing to be friends, they sent ambassadors to Justin, and cunningly asked him, in the name of their king, to send artificers and masons to build him a palace and a bath. And on their arrival there, they built him a palace and a bath; and as soon as both buildings were completed, they requested to be sent away to their homes: but now at length he shewed his treachery, and revealed the guile that was in his heart, and seized them, and drew his sword, saying, “Unless you build a bridge by your art over the Danube, that we may pass over whenever we wish, there shall not one of you live, for I will immediately cut off your heads.” And when he pressed them, they said to him, “Who could possibly build a bridge over a river as wide as a sea? And even if we could do so, it would be injurious to the Roman state, and the king would put us to death. Whether therefore we die, or whether we live, we cannot do what you ask.” But upon this answer, he had two of them immediately beheaded: and the rest, terrified at the sight of their execution, promised that if he would give orders for as many large timber trees as possible to be brought, they would make a bridge to save their lives. And upon this, a numerous body of men were sent out to cut down the tallest and largest trees: and urged on by the fear of being slain by the sword, they planned and executed a very strong bridge. And when king Justin had reigned thirteen years, he departed from this world, and the victorious Tiberius, who had for four years been associated with him in the government as Csesar, succeeded him as sole emperor. And as this bridge was the cause of no little annoyance both to himself and the whole state, he endeavoured in the third year after the death of Justin, by all the means in his power, to cut it away, and at the time was not able: for they occupied it, and fixed their habitations there, and further demanded of him the surrender of the city of Sirmium, on this bank of the river, for them to settle in; and threatened, that in case of refusal, they would commence a war with him, and devastate the Roman territories. But he would not submit to abandon to them so important a city: and thereupon they began to assemble, and watch for an opportunity of stirring up a war. And they also made another bridge, as was said, a thing unheard of before, but which they con trived to erect, as being bent upon mischief.

Book VI, Chapter 25

Concerning the people of the Slavonians, and the de vastations which they committed in Thrace, in the third year of the reign of the serene king Tiberius

That same year, being the third after the death of king Justin, was famous also for the invasion of an accursed people, called Slavonians, who overran the whole of Greece, and the country of the Thessalonians, and all Thrace, and captured the cities, and took numerous forts, and devas tated and burnt, and reduced the people to sla very, and made themselves masters of the whole country, and settled in it by main force, and dwelt in it as though it had been their own with out fear. And four years have now elapsed, and still, because the king is engaged in the war with the Persians, and has sent all his forces to the East, they live at their ease in the land, and dwell in it, and spread themselves far and wide as far as God permits them, and ravage and burn and take captive. And to such an extent do they carry their ravages, that they have even ridden up to the outer wall of the city, and driven away all the king s herds of horses, many thousands in number, and whatever else they could find. And even to this day, being the year 895 [A. D. 584], they still encamp and dwell there, and live in peace in the Roman territories, free from anxiety and fear, and lead captive and slay and burn: and they have grown rich in gold and silver, and herds of horses, and arms, and have learnt to fight better than the Romans, though at first they were but rude savages, who did not venture to shew themselves outside the woods and the coverts of the trees; and as for arms, they did not even know what they were, with the exception of two or three javelins or darts.

[Chapter 26 continues: But to return to the warbetween the Romans and Persians in the East…]

Book VI, Chapter 30

Concerning Sirmium, a great city in the kingdom of the Gepidae, which the Avars took by violence

From the east our historian now returns to the west, and details some particulars of the capture of Sirmium, which he describes as the inevitable consequence of the Avars having now obtained two bridges over the Danube. For gathering in great numbers, and occupying the country round, with threats of war and devastation against the Roman territories, they sent to king Tiberius, saying, “If you would have us for friends, give us Sirmium for us to inhabit with your consent: for if not, we will take it without your consent, and be your enemies.” But the king put them off with words and various promises, as he was altogether unwilling to give the city up to them; and meanwhile he sent secretly an embassy to the Lombards, and other tribes, in the hope of hiring them, and bringing them upon the Avars in the rear. And when they pressed their request upon him, he determined, in order not to let them know his plans, to send unto them Narses, the great Spatharius of the kingdom, to confer with them, and waste time. He supplied him, therefore, liberally with gold, besides what Narses took of his own, and gave him secret orders not to travel rapidly on his journey thither; and should the Lombards come, he was to put himself at their head, and fall upon them, and, if possible, utterly destroy them: while to them he sent this message, “Lo, we have appointed the illustrious Narses, our Spatharius, to come and confer with you, and conclude with you a peace.”

[Chapter 31 continues: The illustrious Narses accordingly started from the capital with great pomp, taking with him a considerable army, and a large sum in gold, and dresses of various materials….]

Book VI, Chapter 32

In consequence of Narses death, Sirmium had to be yielded up to the barbarians. For as the Lombards, on whom Tiberius depended for making a diversion in its favour, did not appear, he was compelled to send to the Avars another ambassador in the person of the prefect of the praetorian guards, named Callistrus. And on his arrival he made over to them the city, considering that it was a more prudent course than for it to be captured by war and violence; for it had already endured for two years the extremity of famine, and after eating their cattle and beasts of burden, they had finally been compelled to feed upon cats and other such things, and had suffered privations no less hitter than those which the Scripture describes as having happened at Samaria. People speak also of the compassion shown by the barbarians to the inhabitants, on seeing the pitiable condition to which they were reduced by famine, and which well deserves the admiration of Christians, whose conduct too frequently it condemns; because they do not show kindness to their fellow servants, nor pity those of their own flesh. For when, upon entering the city, they saw the mortal misery of the people, they had compassion upon them, and gave them bread to eat and wine to drink. But when, after the emptiness of hunger, endured for a period so protracted as two years, they seized upon the food and ate it greedily, many immediately fell down suddenly dead. Finally, the survivors had to depart from the city, and the barbarians took possession of it, and dwelt there.

Translator’s Interlude:

Of the remaining thirteen chapters of the book but a fragment exists, and it contains little more than is told us in the headings, all of which are still extant. From them we learn that an embassy was sent to Maurice, now emperor of the Romans, to sue for peace; and that he in return sent an ambassador to the Persian court, which was followed by a second embassy to Constantinople. The fortieth chapter contained a statement of the mutual losses sustained by the two states of Rome and Persia during the ruinous wars occasioned by the weak policy of Justin: and this was succeeded by an account of the rise and subsequent decline of the kingdom of the Roman Arabs, occasioned possibly to some extent by the defection of several of their leading princes to the Persians. Next, there was the capture of some famous Marzbans, who were sent as prisoners of war to the capital. The forty-fourth chapter detailed the history of another war, waged probably with the Persians in the third year (of Maurice), and of the victory which God gave the Romans. The next three treated of the base, barbarian, long-haired people called Avars, who invaded Thrace, captured many cities, and numerous forts, and carried terror and alarm to the very walls of Constantinople, at a time, when, says our historian, we ourselves were there. The forty-eighth chapter gave an account of the manner in which the land was taken possession of, and wasted by the Slavonians: and the forty-ninth, and last, recorded the destruction of the city of Anchialus, and described the warm baths there.

It seems plain that these chapters were penned one by one as the events themselves occurred, and probably they were brought to an abrupt conclusion by the death of the good old man who wrote them. Little did he foresee that the prudent and victorious Maurice, together with his sons, and among them that Theodosius, whose birth in the purple, after so long a series of childless sovereigns, he had so rejoiced in, would perish by the hand of the executioner: and that the daughter of Tiberius, the one emperor whose name no stain or spot denies, would be dragged, with her children, amidst the apathy of the populace, to the same cruel fate. Scarcely too could he have foreseen, that before many years had elapsed the Avars would lay siege to the capital itself; while across the strait, the hosts of an other Khosrun encamped within the walls of Chalcedon, and, fresh from the conquests of Syria and Asia, would insult the city which still called itself by the proud name of Eastern Rome. And behind there was a yet darker hour: for the two empires, which had so long struggled for the mastery of the world, were about to fall before a kingdom and a creed which were but just struggling into existence.

[the chapter headings are as follows:]

  • Book VI, Chapter 45 – Concerning the base people of the barbarians, who from their long hair are called Avars
  • Book VI, Chapter 46 – Showing that the Avars made an expedition, and captured numerous important cities and forts
  • Book VI, Chapter 48 – Concerning the capture and laying waste of the land of the Slavonians

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March 11, 2019

The Suavs in the Life of Saint Pancratius of Taormina

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Saint Pancras or Pancratius of Taormina (γιος ΠαγκράτιοςHagios Pankratios; Latin: Sanctus Pancratius) was an early Christian martyr. According to legend, he was born in Antioch (Cilicia) he may have met Jesus and later supposedly met Peter by whom and was deployed to Sicily to become the first bishop of Taormina (ancient Tauromenion/Tauromenium). He was killed there by the locals who opposed his mission (apparently by stoning). 

The “Life of Saint Pancratius of Taormina” is an early 8th century work that recounts the martyr. It is curious that it is written as if Pancratius were an 8th century figure. Specifically, the author places Pancratius within the author’s geopolitical reality – the Arab threat to Sicily. The author was a late 7th early 8th century write, perhaps named Evagrius.

The only critical edition of this work was published by Cynthia Jean Stallman solely in Greek back in 1986 as her doctoral thesis. Very few people knew that the work contains a mention of Suavs.

Florin Curta was aware of Stallman’s work and did bring it up in his “The Making of the Slavs” book and in some of his other works (Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, The Slavic Lingua Franca). Specifically, Curta discussed a passage wherein a Sicilian warlord (called Bonifatius) captures some prisoners on an expedition to “the regions of Dyrachium and Athens. Upon returning to Sicily, he was confronted by Saint Pancratius, who claimed that his prisoners looked like Christians. Bonifatius assured him they were Avars who were to be distributed among his soldiers in order to be baptized, and were to be taught Greek and Latin, the languages in use at that time in Taormina. Through the intermediary of a translator, the prisoners eventually declared that they worshipped fire, water, and their own swords…” Curta then goes on to say: “[T]he translator employed to interrogate the Avar prisoners may well have been a member of a Slav community from Syracuse mentioned in another passage…” (Curta, Southeastern Europe).

Since in 2018, Stallman, now as Stallman-Pacitti, actually published (under the title “The Life of Saint Pankratios of Taormina”) her thesis as an edition of the work with an English translation (as part of the excellent series Byzantina Australiensia), here is her translation of the relevant portion of the text:


“…are settled near the provinces of Durazzo and Athens.’ When Boniphatios had said these words, as the Saint had not yet answered, they were silent. When the day was over, the city officials locked up. At dawn all the officers gathered before Boniphatios and said to him, ‘We request your Worthiness, illustrious Consul and Founder, and we ask Saint Pankratios, that the army be dismissed to their own quarters.’ Then Boniphatios said, ‘As you are loyal, your request is fulfilled.’ Immediately the trumpet gave the signal, and the army went across for the levy, and he divided the spoils for them, both gold and silver, and all the prisoners, telling them each to take care of as many souls as he received as his share, that they might receive holy baptism. Then he brought an interpreter and said to them, ‘We are Christians and confess Christ. If you too learn Greek and Latin, we will make you Christians.’

(This was because speech was in the two languages in the Taorminans’ city. They had captured many people in battle from many different nations, but for practical purposes their speech was in the two languages, as those under Tauros’ command had driven out the warriors of the Persians and the fierce Macedonians, and all the nations and kingdoms, which obviously turned out to have never had the strength to plunder the governorship of the Taorminans’ city, but they all watched for their chance, especially while Tauros, noble and courageous, was alive.)

Men from among the prisoners said through interpreters, ‘Never, sirs, have we seen things such as we saw in battle, and see now.’ The Saint said to them through an interpreter, ‘Men, tell us the great things which you have seen, and let us tell you the Word of the mighty God.’ The men said to the Saint through an interpreter, ‘We are of the Avar nation, and we venerate gods in the likeness of every sort of quadruped, fire and water and our swords. But in battle we saw everything in your midst flashing like light, and we were astonished and sent to the temples of our gods and collected the gods we considered most reliable, assuredly, to fight with us, and when we had put them before us, and they too had seen the state of the battle, and the shining lights which preceded and shone in front of the battle, straightway they dissolved and became like wax which has smelt fire and like mud in water.’

The prisoners said all this. The Saint said to them through an interpreter, ‘Does your mind’s eye intend that you be baptized and become Christians?’ The men as if with one voice said, ‘Please make us Christians!’ The Saint said to Boniphatios, ‘My child, let us baptize them, so that death may not by some mischance steal their souls, despite their declaring their intention, on the day when the Lord will demand a register of each of the shepherds, and producing a register corresponding to our list, will pass sentence on us.'”


Although Curta did not focus on it – his intent was to show that the Avars may have spoken and, perhaps, in fact contributed to the rapid spread of Suavic – the mention of a Suavic settlement on Sicily near Syracuse is interesting. So what does that other passage say? The author (Evagrius?) speaks of a Suavic village or huts.

Here is that piece along with Stallman’s footnote from her thesis. The below translation is, again, from the Stallman-Pacitti 2018 edition:


“…καὶ καταπηδήσαντα τὰ πλήθη συνἐτριφαν τὰ εἴδωλα καὶ ὲπίστενσαν τῷ Χριστῷ. ὲλθόντες οὖν, τἐκνον μου, ὲν τῇ θεκτίστῳ  κολυμβήθρᾳ, ἐβάπτισα ἅπαντας εὶς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ άγίου πνεὐματος. οὕτως λοιπόν, τέκνον μου Εύάγρίε, ή πόλιςἅπασα ἐπίστενσε τῷ Χριστῷ, καὶ ἐγένετο μία ποίμνη, εἷς ποιμήν. ἔτι δὲ ὀλίγον ἦν ἐμπνέων ὁ διάβολος κατὰ τῆς τοῦ Χριστοῦ ποίμνης καὶ λαβὼν ὀλιγοστοὺς ἐκ τῶν Ἰουδαίων καὶ Μοντανῶν, ἀπελθόντ€ς ἔθαψαν ὄπου καὶ τὰτῶν Σκλάβων ἔκειντο σκηνώματα, ἃ καὶ εγράψαντο οί ίστοριογράφοι, καὶ ἀπελθόντες ἐποίησαν θυσία πονηρὰν ἐν τοις τάφοίς, οἶς καὶ ἤθελον πόλιν καὶ ναὸν οὶκοδομῆσαι. σκεψάμενοι οὗν τοῦ ἐγχειρῆσαι, ἦλθέν μοι ἐκ θείας ἀποκαλύψεως τοῦ πελθεῖν ἐκεῖσε, καὶ ἐπιβὰς τῇ ἰδίᾳ ἡλικίᾳ ἀπῆλθον, καὶ τοὺς λεγεῶνας τῶν ἀκαθάρτων δαιμόνων τῇ χάριτι Χριστοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ἀληθινοῦ κυρίον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ ὄντος ἐν ἀρχῆ ἐν πατρὶ ἅμα τῷ ἁγίῳ πνεύματι, ἀπήλασα ἐκ τοῦ τοπον, καὶ ὁλαὸς ἦν σχολάζων ἀεννάως…”


“… And the multitudes jumped down and shattered the idols and believed in Christ. Then they came, my child, to the font built by God and I baptized them all in the name of the Father and the Son and of the Holy Spirit. So, then, Evagrios my child, the whole city believed in Christ, and there was one flock and one shepherd. For a little while longer, the Devil was inspiring trouble for Christ’s flock, and took a small number of the Jews and Montanists*, and they went off and conducted a burial where the huts of the Slavs, which historians have described, were situated, and they went off and performed an evil sacrifice in the tombs to those for whom they also wanted to build a city and temple. As they were considering the undertaking, the idea of going there came to me from divine revelation, and I went off on foot, and drove legions of unclean demons from the place by the grace of Christ God, our true Lord Jesus Christ, Who was in the beginning in the Father together with the Holy Spirit, and the whole populace devoted itself constantly to the teachings pour Lord Jesus Christ and the holy apostles through us the least of His servants.”

[* note: The Montanists were followers of Montanus – a Phrygian Christian whose claim to fame was being – literally – the mouthpiece of God. His followers experienced similar delusions.]


Thus, as of the early 8th century there were records – already mentioned by “historians” – of Suavs living near Syracuse, Sicily. How old have these settlements been? Who were those Suavs? Were they Adriatic raiders? Did they come with the Arabs? The Byzantines? Even earlier, with the Vandals? Or earlier yet?

Remember too that when Suavs invaded Greece, the people of Monemvasia were said to have fled to Sicily (see here). The place they settled was supposed to be Demna (or Demenna), generally identified with the ancient city of Aluntium or Haluntium (Alunzio).  That place is the NE of Sicily. Syracuse is on the SE side. Taormina lies somewhat in between. See below for a picture.

If you wanted to try to find Suavic names in the area, you would not find many but you would find some suggestive towns such as these near Syracuse:

  • Plemmirio
  • Ognina

Or the near Taormina and southwards:

  • Spisone – similar to Spisz?
  • Letojanni
  • Pali
  • Ognina
  • Monte Gorna plus Lavinaio
  • Ragalna

South of Syracuse:

  • Ragusa – like the former name for Dubrovnik
  • Ispica
  • Modica – in Latin this was Motyca – the town was known as Muòrica in Sicilian and may have been settled (by the Sicels?) already a millennium BC
  • Michelica
  • Zappulla

Most of these, have, no doubt, nothing to do with Suavs. And yet they are rather curious. All of them appear on the East side of Sicily.

Note that Stallman herself began to question the possibility of the existence of a Suavic settlement near Syracuse. The 2018 published edition states the following:

But clearly she was not thinking of the above toponyms.

For a detailed discussion of the Avar/Suav issues you can look to Stallman’s thesis (pages 268 -288).


What of Curta’s arguments regarding the Avars’ Suavic lingua franca?

He goes on to say in his article:

“That Saint Pancratius needs a translator to understand why the prisoners say indicates that the language they speak is neither Greek nor Latin. What language is it then? It is hard to believe that, given the unfamiliarity of Pancratius with things Avar, speakers of the Avar language were readily available in Taormina circa 700 to serve as interpreters. But there certainly were Slavs (presumably speaking Slavic) in the neighborhood, as Evagrius mentions the little huts in the vicinity of Syracuse. The translator employed to interrogate the Avar prisoners may well have been a member of the Slavic community near Syracuse, and if he spoke Slavic, the Avars must have spoken that language as well. The Life of Saint Pancratius thus indicates that whatever that language might have been, the Avars spoke the language of the Slavs. It is important to note at this point that the Avars in question are not from the qaganate properly speaking, but from territories beyond its southern periphery, in the Balkans. Is it possible therefore that the Avars may have contributed to the linguistic spread of Slavic, assuming that that was the language in use songs Slavs?”

It is easy to see that this is quite a bit of a house of cards. The translator may have been Slavic or may not have been Suavic. For example, he could have been another Avar. He may have come from a local community or from somewhere else. Perhaps from a prior or another raid. The language that was used may have been not Suavic but Avar. Or for that matter some other language still (just not Latin or Greek, presumably).  Further, there is nothing linking the two passages.

Also, importantly, the author states:

“where the huts of the Slavs, which historians have described, were situated”

This suggests that, at least as of the time of the author’s time, the huts had not been there already for quite some time. Of course, he refers to earlier events but those events would still have been within his lifetime. One hardly would have needed historians to keep a memory of a Suavic settlement alive if we are talking about a temporal distance of only a few decades or even a century. Assuming the Life was written in the early 800s it would have been separated from the first assault by Arabs on Sicily (in 652) by a little over century and a half.  Any Avar wars would push this date back to the second half of the 6th century. Thus, while it is possible that this Sicilian Avar-Suavic connection existed, that conclusion is hardly preordained based on the above passage.

(Further, if we accept Curta’s the possibility of a Suavic village existing on Sicily prior to the arrival of these Avars, this raises another question. How far back in time prior to the Avars could we place such a settlement. The mention of the warlord Bonifatius may suggest a memory of the Count Boniface who fought nearby in Africa against the Vandals but the Vandals did not take Sicily until 468, many years after the African war against Boniface. Of course, we could also take the author literally and push his Avars and Suavs back to the days of the real Pancratius. On some strange names, see above).

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March 2, 2019

Cretan Suavs

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Vasmer’s classic “The Suavs in Greece” (Die Slawen in Griechenland) has an interesting section on the island of Crete. He lists the different Suavic settlements on Crete including the following:

  • Βάλτος
  • Βούργαρο
  • Γαβρανοῦ
  • Γαράζο
  • Ζαγουριάνοι
  • Λαγκές
  • Μοῦντρος
  • Πλεμενιανά
  • οδοβάνι
  • Σκλαβοδοχώρι
  • Σκλαβοδιάκου
  • Σκλάβοι
  • Σκλαβοπούλα
  • Σφινάρι
  • Τοπόλια
  • Χαρβάτα
  • Χουδέται

There follows an interesting statement by Vasmer that it’s worth quoting in full:

“Not all of the the Suavic names found on this island, am I able to explain through a late and random settlement of the Suavs [on Crete]. Some of these names must have an older date. With respect to the area around Herakleion already Rangavis (III 573) while discussing the name  Σκλαβεροχώρι could not suppress making the remark that here we must be dealing with an older group of settlers that came over from the main land. Later Šišmanov (Bálgarski Prěgled IV Number. 3 p. 89 ff.) sought to support this view further by referring to a wider number of names. Whether these names originated with the Suavic pirates whose attack on Crete was described in the above mentioned historical testimony, cannot be established with certainty…”

The reference here is to the attack on Crete in 623 described in the Syrian Miscellaneous Chronicle which Vasmer attributes to Thomas Presbyter of Emesa (Homs). The 623 reference could certainly have been of Thomas’ authorship.

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February 5, 2019